Editorials, Articles, Opinion Editorials and Letter to the Editor re: Abu Ghraib and the War in Iraq

Editorials, Articles, Opinion Editorials and Letter to the Editor re: Abu Ghraib and the War in Iraq. Some of the OP-EDs are from former or current government officials. Many of the articles and opinions are from ordinary citizens expressing their thoughts on the war in Iraq and the detainee abuse at Abu Ghraib.

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Wednesday, May 26, 2004

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Sunday, January 30, 2005

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I often am stopped and asked which part of the States I live in, after someone hears my
accent. r am asked if I like South Africa and where I've been. A man r \\alk with many
Sunday mornings with our dogs tells me how he'd like to move to America and that he
likes President Bush.

I hear it a lot.
At the same time, my 12-year-old daughter tells people I didn't fly a flag after 9/11. I
didn't put a flag sticker on my car, and I don't wear red. white and blue on the Fourth of
July.
What kind of American are you? she asks, half in jest and half looking for a serious
answer.
I al11 an American who loves my country, but I expect so much more from it, especially when I'm living in a place such as South Africa, \vhere the majority of the people for so long had no voice.
As my son has, the world gave America the benefit of a doubt. In Pretoria, and around the \"orld, that no longer seems true.
Laura Hambleton is afi-eelance journalist who lives in Pretoria, South A/i'ica.
now glances at a local newspaper if it is left out on the kitchen counter, searching for a
comic strip.
He did so the other day when the Pretoria News carried a front-page picture of Army Pfc. Lynndie R. England in the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. I watched my son reach for the paper to pull it toward him, but I was quicker. I deftly turned the paper toward me and turned to an inside page of comics. I committed an age-old act: diverting the attention of my child hom a harsh reality. The irony is I am the wife of a newspaperman ond the day's news is our dinnertime conversation. This time, though, I didn't \vant to approach the subj ecl.
My son loves America. He defends it and promotes it. A few months ago, a boy in his
class said that South Africa has the best beaches. My son countered by asking if the boy
had been to Dela'0lare, North Carolina, Florida, Maine, California. Now there are
beautiful beaches, he said.
But \vhat ammunition would he have to defend the actions of American soldiers in Iraqi
prisons? For that matter, what would he make of the beheading of 26-year-old Nicholas
E. Berg, in a game of one-upmanship?
To be sure, war is treacherous and messy, as is the aftermath, which the pbotographs so
succinctly and powerfully portray. Even the Federal Express man who comes to my
house at least once a week to deliver packages told me that everyone does these heinous
acts in war. No big deal, in his mind. The bizarreness now is someone documented it, he
said.
Perhaps that is exactly the point, because the contrast bet\veen Private England's smiling
face --real or staged --and the words first used when we rode into Iraq on such a high
moral ground are jarring.
No wonder I am not feeling high and mighty these days as an American overseas. I bO\ved my head and spoke quickly when I bought a newspaper at my neighborhood news stand the other day with the headline, "How the CIA teaches the viorld to torture."
"I'm ashamed to be an American right nov"," said a friend in an e-mail from Rome. "And I'm very, very angry that these people were stupid enough to act in these reprehensible ways. The outpouring of support and sympathy after 9/1 I here was a beautiful thing. Flowers covered the entire entrance to the embassy and made all of us Americans cry. Most of that feeling has completely disappeared now."
The father of one of my son's friends told me recently that when a driver asked him where he was fi"ol11, he hesitated. He almost said Canada, as some Americans here say and American journalists ha\;e said for many months in Iraq, but he admitted the United States. The driver responded with a draV1I1-out "Ohhh."
horrors of slavery come to mind. Yet, almost alone among nations throughout history, the United States has ahvays managed to hold itself accountable for its ills, take corrective action and move to a higher level in our treatment of others.
Why? Because Americans once shared a collective understanding that ours is a society
based on faith in God and his immutable laws of unconditional love, decency and the
simple but powerful concept of treating others as we would be treated.
Our schools taught biblical principles. Our families gathered regularly in churches and
synagogues. Prayer was a standard part of life -both private and pUblic. Americans
vv'ere taught the Ten Commandments and the rich Judeo-Christian history of our country.
But that all changed in the 1960s, when there began a steady removal ofGod and his absolutes from the public square. As a nation \ve forgot, as President Lincoln said, "that the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom." Schools were purged of prayer and biblical values, leaving a vacuum that was soon filled with the preaching of moral relativism, sexual anarchy and a trashing of U.S. history. Now, about 40 years later, there is no collective understanding of our Judeo-Christian history and the values that once permeated our halls of government, our schools and our lives.
Our nation once looked to the truth of the Proverbs: "To receive instruction in wise behavior, righteousness, justice and equity; to give prudence to the naive, to the youth knowledge and discretion." Today, we teach our children to rely on their own wisdom and judgment, formed by endless hours of sexualized programming, situational ethics and group thinking. And we're surprised by the behavior of a few Americans at Abu Ghraib?
Our military is addressing the abuses that occurred in a prison far away and holding
accountable those who are responsible -but what are the rest of us doing to restore
civility and decency here at home? In order to preserve a real future for our children and
our nation, we must rediscover the timeless principles that helped us to become the
world's "last, best hope" -and restore them to our daily lives.
Abu Ghraib troubles Americans abroad
Baltimore SUll
May 26, 2004

Laura Hambleton
Until about nine months ago, when v.-e moved from Chevy Chase to Pretoria, my 9-yearold son read the newspaper every day. lie started with the sports pages, flipped to the end of the feature section for the comics and finished by studying the front page. He crunched his cereal while he scanned the headlines and read captions. On the occasion when a photograph caught his eye, he would often read the story.
In South Africa, my son's newspaper habit has gone dormant. He doesn't yet love the country's rugby team, the Springboks, as he loves his Nev; England Patriots. He hasn't learned the ins and outs of cricket, as he knows every nuance of the Boston Red Sox. He facilities in the theater of conflict. Judicial over-confidence in intruding into \var
decisions could produce more Abu Ghraibs iIi dangerous combat zones, and remove our
most effective means of preventing future terrorist attacks.
Mr. faa, a law professor at Berkeley, is a scholar at the American Enterprise Institufe
and a former Bush Justice Department official.
Down the Sewer to Abu Ghraib
Los Angeles Times
May 26, 2004

Rebecca Hagelin
Rebecca Hagelin is a vice president ofthe Heritage Foundation.
The horrific images of degrading acts by American soldiers at Abu Ghraib prison are, in a sense, nothing new: Millions of Americans feast On similar scenes every day.
The sickening photo of a female soldier blindly staring at the spectacle of her human
prisoner, naked and leashed like a dog, is but the latest evidence of a culture gone stark
raving mad.
For the last several decades, American culture has been rotting. While we've been busy
fighting enemies around the world, we've discarded basic morality here at home. As a
result, we've steadily weakened our stature in the world and placed ourselves in grave
danger of falling from 'within.
The evidence pointing to cultural rot is indisputable: Americans spend $10 bi lIion a year on pornography -as much as we spend On sporting events. The average tcenager views nearly 14,000 sexual references a year on television.
Power is equated with sex, and sex with power -on television, in movies, magazines, billboards and music. At times, it appears as if Americans have had cnough. Remember the outrage over Janet Jackson "flashing" at the Super Bowl? How about the disgust over the video of high school girls humiliating, urinating on and beating younger students in an "initiation" stunt? Now there's Abu Ghraib. And we're shocked ... again?
Some denounce the reprehensible behavior, point an accLlsing finger at the military and
return to their family room easy chairs, where they sit transfixed by mindless
programming \vhile their kids retreat to their bedrooms and consume endless hours of
sleaze on MTV.
We have been sliding down the slippery sewer of cultural immorality for so long that we don't even realize that we're covered ,vith stinking sludge.
Amid the noble struggle to establish and maintain a nation of moral integrity, freedom and faith in God, our history has also included periods punctuated by acts of shame. The
combatants: wearing uniforms, a responsible command structure, and obeying the l::1\\Is of war.
As a result, interrogations of detainees captured in the war on terrorism are not regulated under Geneva. This is not to condone torture, \vhich is still prohibited by the Torture Convention and federal criminal law. Nonetheless, Congress's definition of torture in those lav,,Is --the infliction of severe mental or physical pain --leaves room for interrogation methods that go beyond polite conversation. Under the Geneva Convention, for example, a POW is required only to provide name, rank, and serial number and cannot receive any benefits for cooperating.
The reasons to deny Geneva status to terrorists extend beyond pure legal obligation. The primary enforcer of the laws of war has been reciprocal treatment: We obey the Geneva Conventions because our opponent does the same with American POWs. That is impossible with al Qaeda. It has never demonstrated any desire to provide humane treatment to captured Americans. If anything, the murders of Nicholas Berg and Daniel Pearl declare al Qaeda's intentions to kill even innocent civilian prisoners. Without territory, it does not even have the resources to provide detention facilities for prisoners, even if it were interested in holding captured POWs.
It is also worth asking whether the strict limitations of Geneva make sense in a war against terrorists. Al Qaeda operates by launching surprise attacks on civilian targets with the goal of massive casualties. Our only means for preventing future attacks, which could use WMDs, is by acquiring information that allo\vs for pre-emptive action. Once the attacks occur, as we learned on Sept. 11, it is too late. It makes little sense to deprive ourselves of an important, and legal, means to detect and prevent terrorist attacks while we are still in the middle of a fight to the death with al Qaeda. Applying different standards to al Qaeda does not abandon Geneva, but only recognizes that the U.S. faces a stateless enemy never contemplated by the Conventions.
This means that the U.S. can pursue different interrogation policies in each location. III fact, Abu Ghraib highlights the benefits ofGuantanamo. We can guess that the unacceptable conduct of the soldiers at Abu Ghraib resulted in part from the dangerous state of affairs on the ground in a theater of war. American soldiers had to guard prisoners on the inside while receiving mortar and weapons fire from the outside. By contrast, Guan1anamo is distant from any battlefield, making it far more secure. The naval station's location means the military can base more personnel there and devote more resources to training and supervision.
A decision by the Supreme Court to subject Guantanamo to judicial review would eliminate these advantages. The Justices are currently considering a case, argued last month, which seeks to extend the writ of habeas corpus to al Qaeda and Taliban detainees at Guantanamo. lfthe CoU!1 were to extend its reach to the base, judges could begin managing conditions of confinement, interrogation methods, and the lise of information. Not only Vliould this call on the courts to make judgments and develop policies for which they have no expertise, but the government will be encouraged to keep its detention
POWs under the Geneva Conventions. Critics, no doubt, will soon demand that reforms include an extension of Geneva standards to interrogations at Guantanamo Bay.
The effort to blur the lines between Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib reflects a deep misunderstanding about the different legal regimes that apply to Iraq and the war against al Qaeda. It ignores the unique demands of the war on terrorism and the advantages that a facility such as Guantanamo can provide. 1t urges policy makers and the Supreme Court to make the mistake of curing 'vvhat could prove to be an isolated problem by disarming the government of its principal weapon to stop future terrorist attacks. Punishing abuse in Iraq should not return the U.S. to Sept. 10,2001 in the way it fights al Qaeda, while Osama bin Laden and his top lieutenants remain at large and continue to plan attacks.
It is important to recognize the differences bet'vV·een the \var in Iraq and the \var on telTorism. The treatment of those detained at Abu Ghraib is governed by the Geneva Conventions, which 11ave been signed by both the U.S. and Iraq. President Bush and his commanders announced early in the conflict that the Conventions applied. Article 17 of the Third Geneva Convention, which applies to prisoners of war clearly state that: "No physical or mental torture, nor any other form of coercion, may be inflicted on prisoners ofwar to secure from them information of any kind whatever." This provision would prohibit some interrogation methods that could be used in American police stations.
One thing should remain clear. Physical abuse violates the Conventions. The armed forces have long operated a system designed to investigate violations of the laws of war, and ultimately to try and punish the offenders. And it is important to let the military justice system run its course. Article 5 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which governs the treatment of civilians in occupied territories, states that ifa civilian "is definitely suspected of or engaged in activities hostile to the security oftlle States, such individual person shall not be entitled to claim such rights and pri vileges under the present Convention as would, if exercised in favor of such individual person, be prejudicial to the security of such State." To be sure, Art. 31 of the Fourth Convention prohibits any "physical or moral coercion" of civilians "to obtain information from them," and there is a clear prohibition of torture, physical abuse, and denial of medical care, food, and shelter. Nonetheless, Art. 5 makes clear that if an Iraqi civilian who is not a member of
the armed forces, has engaged in attacks on Coalition forces, the Geneva Convention
permits the use of more coercive interrogation approaches to prevent future attacks.

A response to criminal action by individual soldiers should begin with the military justice system, rather than efforts to impose a one-size-fits-all policy to cover both Iraqi saboteurs and al Qaeda operatives. That is because the conflict \;vith al Qaeda is not governed by the Geneva Conventions, which applies only to international conflicts between states that have signed them. AI Qaeda is not a nation-state, and its members -as they demonstrated so horrifically on Sept. 11,200 I --violate the very core principle of the laws of war by targeting innocent civilians for destruction. While Taliball fighters had an initial claim to protection under the Conventions (since Afghanistan signed the treaties), they lost POW status by failing to obey the standards of conduct for legal

Like A '''oman
Richmond Times-Dispatch

May 24, 2004
Among the many aspects of the prison abuse scandal at Abu Ghraib, one has gone almost umemarked: the deep-seated misogyny it has highlighted.
An Associated Press story from earlier this month quotes Dhia al-Shweiri, Wl10 is said to have spent time in Abu GhJaib twice under Saddam Hussein and once under Americans. AI-Shweiri says be was tortured under Saddam -beaten, electrocuted, and hung from the ceiling with his hands tied behind his back. But, he told the AP, "that's better than the humiliation of being stripped naked .... [The Americans] made us stand in a way that I am ashamed to describe. They came to look at us as we stood there. They knevv' this would humiliate us. We are men. It's okay ifthey beat me. Beating [doesn't] hurt us, it's just a blow. But no one would want their manhood to be shattered. They ",,,anted us to feel as though we were women, the way women feel, and this is the worst insult, to feel like a Vv'0111an:"
This is the worst insult, to feel like a woman. Few sentences could so concisely sum up
the perverse sexism in much of the Arab \vorld.

Experts interviewed for a Times-Dispatch -story underscored the point, perhaps
inadvertently. "One of the worst things that can happen is 1hat you shave offa man's
beard," said one. "It is seen as challenging his manliness." Another told the newspaper,

'''It is 1110st shameful to make a person naked and then photograph him, especially a Muslim male," Especially a Muslim male?
Americans should be concerned, foremost, with the behavior and attitudes of their fellow Americans. But that does not mean they need to be concerned with the behavior and attitudes of their fellow Americans to the exclusion of everything else, If the abuses at Abu Ghraib were wrong -and they most emphatically \I,'ere -it should be noted in passing that the form of those abuses was made possible by another, underlying wrong within broad swaths of Arabic culture.
COMMENTARY
Terrorists Have No Geneya Rights

Wall Street Journal
May 26,2004 John Yoo
In light of the Abu Ghraib prison scandal, critics are arguing that abuses of Iraqi prisoncrs are being produced by a climate of disregard for the lav'is of war. Human rights advocates, for example, claim that the mistreatment of Iraqi prisoners is of a piece with President Bush's 2002 decision to deny al Qaeda and Taliban fighters the legal status of For many Americans, the ever-more-sickening revelations of degradation at Abu Ghraib prison are a nightmare that refuses to end. People ofconscience, trying to reconcile what they have seen and heard with what they knov,' and believe about America, feel suckerpunched by each new chapter.
Critics claim that the scandal gives lie to the notion of American exceptionalism: that America, founded on a system of ethical ideals, honors human dignity and, more than any other nation, can speak '.-vith authority to the rest of the world about freedom and respect for individual rights.
Those who value these ideals are right to feel betrayed by Abu Ghraib, but they need not be ashamed of America. Painful as it is, the scandal --and more important, the American response to it --has reaffirmed those values.
Given the bizarre cruelty undertaken in the prison, one can't help being dismayed.
Most recently, the world learned of videos that show US. soldiers smiling and flexing
while beating and debasing the Iraqis in their custody. One video, showing scenes of
disgusting inhumanity throughout the prison, ends with soldiers turning the cameras on
themselves as they have sex with each other.

This must end any hope on the part of ashamed Americans that the Abu Ghraib abuses
were the work of grimly dutiful soldiers who may have deplored the acts but believed
them a necessary evil in the nasty business of gathering intelligence.

But the story doesn't end in the hellish hallways of Abu Ghraib, and that is the point.
Those sickening revelations keep coming because Americans are outraged. The US.
government releases more inform~tion because Alnerican citizens demand it.

May 26, 2004
Blow it up or tear it down. It doesn't much matter. Nothing this country does to the prison buildings that made Abu Ghraib a household word can erase the horrific damage that was done there. Abu Ghraib has become synonymous with torture, for decades by the henchmen of ousted Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein, most recently by U.S. soldiers after the war that ended Hussein's regime. Destroying the structure cannot destroy the events it hOLlsed, the memories of victims, the photographs of abuse.
As U.S. officials move forward with plans to raze Abu Ghraib, which President George
W. Bush outlined in his Monday night address, they should consider leaving part of the
structure intact, a monument to dark cbapters in human history.

Similar travesties have been appropriately memorialized. Elements of World War II
concentration camps draw hushed visitors in Europe. Stone forts known as slave castles
because captives were held there for shipment to the United States have been preserved
on the west coast of Africa. A photography exhibit coming to the Charles H. Wright
Museum of African American History in Detroit this summer will recall the shameful
past of lynchings in tbis country.

Shining a light on humanity's horrible deeds can prevent a repetition of past mistakes.
That serves the cause of human rights better than any new maximum-security prison the
United States will build on the Abu Ghraib site.

May 25, 2004
Meantime, CACI's contract with the Army is administered by the Interior Department and is so vaguely v.,rorded that it gave no indication the company would ultimately be called on to supply interrogators, according to Post reporter Ellen McCarthy; th3t arrangement is now under review. CACI executives have said they haven't been notified of any charges; \vhen the news of Abu Ghraib abuses broke, the company was reduced to downloading the Taguba report from the Internet. If this is the oversight that's in place for contractors, it's time to reassess whether military privatization has gone too far.
Demolition won't do
Baltimore Sun

May 26, 2004
TEARING DOViN the Abu Ghraib prison \von't dispel the haunting images of American
soldiers abusing Iraqi prisoners.
It won't renew the reputation of the United States among the Iraqi people or rehabilitate
its image around the world. And more to the point, it won't heal the psychic wounds of
the Iraqis battered there. President Bush's offer, made in his speech Monday night, to
demolish the infamous prison and replace it vlith a state-of-the art prison system sho\1,'s a
lack of understanding of how best to deal with the political fallout of the prisoner abuse
scandal.
The American military'S shame over the mistreatment of prisoners at Abu Ghraib can't be purged with a bulldozer. That brick-and-mortar solution voiced in a highly political address by Mr. Bush sounded like a presidential speechwriter's fix for the Abu Glu-aib problem. Mr. Bush couldn't ignore the abuse scandal, so it became a couple of paragraphs on his TelePrompTer, the proposed razing ofAbu Ghraib a symbolic aside.
A more nuanced and honest response to the Abu Ghraib injustices would have been to emphasize the criminal investigations under way and reiterate the U. S. commitment to punish those involved. Demolishing Abu Ghraib only conforms to the stereotype of an imperial power flexing its muscle.
Mr. Bush did say that he would defer to the wishes ofthe Iraqi people on the future of
Abu Ghraib, and that is as it should be. If the new transitional government in Iraq wants
to demolish the prison, it should.
The United States could then use its aid to cultivate the more genial aspects of a civil society --schools, roads, hospitals, housing, courts, projects such as those it has launched over the past year. When the Bush administration sought $20.3 billion to rebuild Iraq, it asked for $99 million to build or update 26 jails and prisons. Haven't we spent enough on warehousing prisoners?

Abuse by Outsourcing
Washington Post

May 26, 2004
AMONG THE MANY disturbing aspects of the abuse at Abu Ghraib prison is the involvement of private contractors in conducting interrogations. Contractors are playing a widening role in the military, and never more so than in the \\81" in Iraq. Private-sector workers feed and house U.S. troops, maintain sophisticated weapon systems and provide security for the Coalition Provisional Authority. Their grO\ving involvement, and the consequent blurring of military and private roles, was brought home horrifically in March with the murder and mutilation of four security guards employed by Blackwater USA
But privatized interrogation is troubling on a whole new level. Testifying before the
Senate Armed Services Committee, Lt. Gen. Lance L. Smith said 37 contract
interrogators were working for the military in Iraq. The revelation underscores the need
for rigorous debate about their proper function in wartime, their position in the chain of
command and the 13\\1s that govern their activities.
Interrogating prisoners is a sensitive function, one that needs to be conducted under
clearly delineated rules by people who are properly trained and supervised and, if
necessary, subject to punishment. As the country is learning, uniformed personnel don't
always meet those criteria. But private citizens are not appropriate for the job.
Maj. Gen. Antonio M. Taguba, who investigated conditions at Abu Ghraib, testified that guards at tl1e prison viewed the contractors as having "competent authority" to direct their activities. His report found that Steven A. Stefano\Nicz, a contract interrogator for CACI International Inc., an Arlington-based company, "clearly knew his instructions equated to physical abuse" and concludes that Mr. Stefanowicz and John Israel, a civilian interpreter, "were either directly or indirectly responsible for the abuses." Gen. Taguba recommended that Mr. Stefanowicz be reprimanded, fired and stripped of his security clearance.
While seven soldiers have been charged in connection with the abuses, however, the process appears to be notably slower as it applies to the private contractors, who are not subj ect to military discipline. The Taguba report has been complete for months, yet there is no indication that any prosecutorial activity was in the works before the abuses became public. It wasn't until late last week that the Justice Department said it had opened a criminal investigation of a civilian contractor.
Congress presciently enacted the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act in 2000 in an
effort to cover such crimes, but tbe law has scarcely been Llsed and has significant gaps. For one thing, it applies only to U.S. citizens; Gen. Taguba said that two translators involved in abuses vvere from third countries. It also only applies to contractors \\lorking for the military --not other government agencies. Rep. Martin T. Meehan CD-Mass.) introduced a measure last week to close those loopholes.
But defense analyst Loren Thompson of the Lexington Institute, \\'ho has close
connections to the Pentagon, said, "You'd have to be pretty naive to think that the
problems with abuse of detainees had no impact at all on this decision."
The defense officials offered no explanation other than that Sanchez had served the
normal year-long rotation in Iraq.
SANCHEZ TOOK RESPONSIBILITY
Sanchez testified before a Senate committee last week on the scandal and took
responsibility for the abuse because it happened during his time as commander. But be
said he was not a\vare of the abuse while it \,-'as happening and moved quickly to
investigate after learning about it.
"The secretary and the chairman (Gen. Richard Myers, cllairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff) both believe from \vhat they understand now that Gen. Sanchez handled the matter of Abu Ghraib in a very professional matter," said Lawrence Oi Rita, Rumsfeld's chief spokesman.
Sanchez is being considered for an appointment to head the U.S. Southern Command in
Miami, a post carrying the fourth star of a full general, officials said.
Casey is a full general, and Rumsfeld has for months been considering making a four-star general the overall commander in Iraq, responsible for the broad direction of coalition military affairs while a three-star general handles day-to-day military operations. Lt. Gen. Thomas Metz serves in that capacity.
Thompson doubted replacing Sanchez was intended to make him the scapegoat in the
Abu Ghraib scandal, but said Pentagon leaders were "recognizing the fact that some
atrocious behavior occurred while he was in command, and that has probably shaken
their confidence in his suitability for the higher job."
Thompson said numerous problems have been associated with Sanchez's tenure as top
commander in Iraq since June 2003, as he has faced the difficult task of defeating an
Il1surgency.
"Look at all the problems Sanchez has faced: a flav,:ed strategy, dreadfully inaccurate intelligence, inadequate forces on the ground, flagging domestic support, and a political leadership that seems to have multiple agendas above and beyond simply defeating the insurgents," Thompson said.
"This is not a prescription for success. Gen. George Patton (the respected American World 'Var Two commander) would be at a loss to have to deal with these kinds of problems."
EDITORIALS
"The last word I got is that he was given an order not to talk with anyone a bout the case
while the investigation was ongoing, and if any type of action was levied against him, it
\vould be a result of him not obeying that order," said Lt. Col. Kevin Gainer. "It could
compromise the whole investigation by putting out information and maybe inOuencing
otbers. "
Provance said he has been in the Army for five years and would like to stay, but that it
might not be possible.
"I like the Army, the Army is a great organization, it's just there are individuals within it
that screw it up," he said. "I would like to believ'e I have a future in the army, but I don't
know what's going to come out of this."
Pentagon to replace top U.S. commander in Iraq.
Reuters
May 25,2004

Charles Aldinger
The Pentagon will replace Army Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez as the top U.S. military
officer in Iraq, senior defense officials said on Tuesday. But they argued that the change
was not triggered by the Abu Ghraib Iraqi prisoner abuse scandal.
Gen. George Casey, Army vice chief of staff, has emerged as the top candidate to replace Sanchez in Baghdad in June or July, said the officials, \vho asked not to be identified.
"There has been no final decision on a replacement, but Gen. Casey is a top candidate,"
one official said.
"This has absolutely nothing to do with Abu Ghraib." added another defense official.
"The secretary (Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld) is very mindful that the perception
(of punishment) might arise. But it simply is not the case."
Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski, who was in charge of U.S.-run prisons in Iraq during the abuse, has been suspended as commander ofthe military police brigade at the heart ofthe scandal.
Seven U.S. soldiers have been charged with physically and sexually abusing and humiliating Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib in a scandal that has inflamed the Arab \vorld and undermined U.S. efforts in the country before the handover on June 30 to an interim Iraqi government.
President George W. Bush praised Sanchez.
"Rick Sanchez has done a fabulous job. He's been there for a long time. His service has been exemplary," Bush said in response to a question from reporters at the White House.
Sgt. Samuel Provance said that although soldiers he served with in IraC] were treating him as a pariah, he would not change a thing if given a second chance.
"My soldiers who were at Abu Ghraib are so scared noVY' they're not even talking to me
anymore --I'm like a villain, but would I do it again? Of course I yvould, because I stand
behind what I said," Provance said in a telephone interview from Heidelberg, Germany,
where his military intelligence unit is based.
"I knew \vhat was being reported was not true."
Provance, 30, is with the 302nd Military Intelligence Battalion, a unit of the 205th Military Intelligence Brigade, which has been implicated in the abuse at Abu Ghraib. The scandal broke after photographs were made public of U.S. soldiers abusing prisoners, sparking v,,'orldviide outrage.
Unlike early reports suggesting the abuses were failings by individual soldiers, Provance
told the AP and other media outlets that interrogators at the prison viewed sleep
deprivation, stripping inmates naked and threatening them with dogs as normal ways of
dealing with "the enemy."
Provance, who was in charge of a computer network at the prison for five months ending in February, said he had not seen abuse himself but was told about it by interrogators.
Provance, of Williamsburg, Va., was notified by the Army that he was an official witness in the case after the scandal broke, and on May 14, his company commander ordered him not to talk with anyone about what he had seen, he said.
Instead, he decided he would give interviews to set the record straight
"I wanted to make sure I got out what I could in what time I had before I was silenced at
a higher level," he said. "I'm standing behind my First Amendment right to free speech,
and it's a matter of does the constitution have more weight than a company level
commander. "
On Friday, Provance was called before bis battalion commander, who yanked his
clearance to work at top secret sites and administratively "flagged" him, meaning he
cannot receive honors, aVv'ards Or seek promotion until the status is removed.
An Army official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, confirmed from Washington that Provance lost his security clearance and faces other disciplinary action for discussing the investigation with the media.
In Germany, a spokesman for V Corps, \vhich oversees Provance's unit, said he knew of no disciplinary action, but that the sergeant had been ordered not to talk to the media.
detainees, The Washington Post reported on Wednesday, citing sworn testimony by the
top U.S. intelligence oHicer at the prison.
Col. Thomas Pappas testified that the idea came from "tvlaj. Gen. Geoffrey Miller, then commander of the U.S. detention center at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and \vas implemented under a policy approved by Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, the top U.S. military officer in Iraq, the newspaper reported.
Senior defense officials said on Tuesday that Sanchez \'v'as being replaced as the U.S.
commander in Iraq. But they argued the change was not triggered by the Abu Ghraib
Iraqi prisoner abuse scandal.
According to a transcript obtained by The Washington Post, Pappas told the Army
investigator, I'vlaj. Gen. Antonio Taguba: "It was a technique I had personally discussed
with General Miller, when he \vas here" visiting the prison.
"He said that they used military working dogs at Gitmo, and that they V·icre effective in
setting the atmosphere for which, you know, you could get information" from the
prisoners, Pappas said in the testimony.
Miller, who assumed command of Abu Ghraib this month, denied through a spokesman
that the conversation took place, the newspaper said.
"Miller never had a conversation v,,Iith Colonel Pappas regarding the use of military dogs
for interrogation purposes in Iraq. Further, military dogs were never used in
interrogations at Guantanamo," Brig. Gen. Mark Kimmitt, spokesman for U.S. forces in
Iraq, told the Post.

According to the Post, Pappas testified that interrogation plans involving the use of dogs,
shackling, "making detainees strip dOVdl," or similar aggressive measures followed
Sanchez's policy, but were often approved by Sanchez's deputy, Maj. Gen. Walter
Wojdakowski, or by Pappas himself.

At least four photographs from Abu Ghraib obtained by The Washington Post show
fearful prisoners near unmuzzled dogs.
Sergeant Disciplined for Speaking of Abuse

Associated Press
May 25, 2004
David Rising
A U.S. Army sergeant who gave an insider's view of Abu Ghraib prison to the media has lost his security clearance and bas been disciplined by the military for speaking out, he told The Associated Press on Tuesday.
A U.S, Army synopsis of deaths and mistreatment involving prisoners in American
custody in Iraq and Afghanistan shows a pattern of abuse im'olving more military units
than previously knov/I1, The New York Times reported on \Vednesday,
The summary, dated May 5, was prepared by the Criminal Investigation Command at the request of Army officials, according to the newspaper.
It outlines the status of investigations into 36 cases, including the continuing probe into
the abuses at Abu Ghraib prison on the outskirts of Baghdad, the paper said.
The Iraq cases date back to April 2003, the Times reported. In an incident reported to have taken place last month, a prisoner detained by Navy commandos died in a suspected case of homicide blamed on "blunt force trauma to the torso and positional asphyxia," the paper said.
The U.S. forces' treatment of prisoners has come under scrutiny because of revelations
about the physical and sexual abuse ofIragi inmates at the Abu Ghraib prison, Seven
U.S. soldiers have been charged with abusing Iraqi prisoners there,
In a speech on Tuesday, U.S, President George W. Bush said the prison "became a
symbol of disgraceful conduct by a few American troops who dishonored our country
and disregarded our values," and said the notorious prison would be demolished as a
"symbol ofIraq's new beginning."
One of the oldest cases listed in the May 5 document involves the death of a prisoner in
Afghanistan in December 2002, the paper said.
The document said enlisted personnel from a military intelligence unit at Fort Bragg, North Carolina, and an Army Reserve military-police unit from Ohio are thought to have been "involved at various times in assaulting and mist.r:eating the detainee," according to the Times.
Members of the 223rd Military Intelligence Battalion, which is part of the California National Guard, \-vere accused ofabusing Iraqi detainees last spring in Samarra, north of Baghdad, the Times reported.
The Army summary said the unidentified enlisted personnel "forced into asphyxiations numerous detainees in an attempt to obtain information" over a 1 O-week period, according to the paper.
U.S. general linked to use of dogs at prison-Post.
Reuters

May 26, 2004
The U.S. Army general sent by the Pentagon to bolster the collection of intelligence from prisoners at Abu Ghraib is said to have urged the use of guard dogs to frighten Iraqis
Financial Times
May 26,2004
Peter Spiegel
US officials yesterday insisted the decision to replace the American general in charge of coalition forces in Iraq this summer is part of a normal rotation of commanders rather than a reprimand for the escalating prisoner abuse scandal.
Lieutenant General Ricardo Sanchez, who has been the top US general on the ground for more than a year, has come under intense pressure in recent weeks following reports that he may have been aware of interrogation tactics used by American soldiers at Baghdad's notorious Abu Ghraib prison. The Pentagon has denied any prior knov/ledge by Gen Sanchez.
"Rick Sanchez is doing a fabulous job," President George W. Bush said yesterday. "He's
been there for a long time. His service has been exemplary."
However, the timing of the Pentagon's announcement, coupled with reports that Gen Sanchez may not get his expected next assignment -a promotion to head US Southern Command, \vhich oversees all operations in Latin America -has led to speculation that the general is being punished for the Abu Ghraib scandal.
Separately, Bhgadier General Janis Karpinski, the commander of the military police
brigade responsible for manning Abu Ghraib, was suspended this week from her job
pending the completion of investigations.

Administration officials and military leaders were eager to shoot dovvn speculation that
Gen Sanchez is being punished.
"We typically keep our combat commanders in theatre for a year," said Brigadier General Mark Kimmitt, the US military spokesman in Baghdad.
"We have always expected Gen Sanchez to depart some time after transfer of sovereignty. My personal expectation was, like me, he would be departing some time in the June time period," he said.
Gen Sanchez is expected to be replaced this summer by General George Casey, vice chief of staff of tIle army.
\VIRES
U.S. Army survey cites wider prisoner abuse-NYT.
Reuters
. May 26, 2004
Professor Massaro soon repented for wishing another ill, but not before gaining a new insight: The thirst for revenge includes a longing to laugh at the \vrongdoer's misfortllne.
"These are inmates suspected of having shot at US soldiers," Massaro says. "These [guards] at Abu Ghraib could have had friends killed by these enemies." To resist the desire to degrade and dehumanize is the moral imperative, he says, but doing so in certain settings requires an uncommonly steely vvm.
Some personalities, too, might be more prone to sadism than others, psyc1lologists suggest. To reduce the likelihood of sadism among its prison guards, Maryland uses a personality inventory to screen out those with "a tendency to do bad things and nasty things," says William Sondervan, former Maryland commissioner of corrections and now director of professional development for the American Correctional Association.
Even after a screening, however, tensions can lead to temptations. In Maryland's rural prisons, 77 percent of inmates are African-Americans from urban areas, while 99 percent of gllards are whites from the local vicinity. When an HIV -positive inmate splashes a guard with his urine, blood, or feces, Mr. Sondervan says, guards can be tempted to take pleasure in striking back. But those who can't control that impulse are reprimanded or fired.
"People who do those things tend to get weeded OLlt," Sondervan says.
In military settings such as Abu Ghraib, however, staffing shortages can preclude the luxury of personality screening -and sadistic behavior can result. People who have a high opinion of themselves but feel easily threatened are quickest to become enraged and to delight in seeing the offender suffer, Miller says. "Then you have the mix that can really be devastating."
Whether personality is a major factor in manifesting sadism among ordinary people is a
matter of debate. Waller, for one, questions whether personality should even be
considered as a factor.

Not everyone, sources agree, will succumb even to tbe strongest pressures to behave sadistically. Army soldier Joseph Darby, who reported the abuse at Abu Ghraib to his commander, chose to resist even though it meant he might be labeled a traitor. Yet in the aftermath of Sept. 11, it seems an angry America in search of security may have lessened the vigilance against cruelty.
"After 91l1, there came a mentality that said, 'We cannot afford to be nice. We have to do whatever it takes to find these people and bring down Osama bin Laden,' ".Morrow says. "It seems to me that this is the atmosphere where these things may occur."(c) Copyright 2004. The Christian Science Monitor
US Denies General's Move Is Reprimand
Nonetheless, incidents documented at Abu Ghraib do constitute "sadism," according to
other sources for this story, and might shed light on a seldom-studied side ofhuman
behavior.
As for the ordinary person's propensity for sadism, psychologists have no choice but to cite studies dating from 25 years ago. That's because ethical regulations have for decades prohibited researchers from encouraging cruel behavior or even a simulation of it. The result is a dearth of fresh data to explain how sadistic behavior can become habitual for other-wise good people, as the multitude of theories in psychology and elsewhere can attest.
James Waller, social psychologist at Whitman College and author of "Becoming Evil: How Ordinary People Commit Genocide and Mass Killing." says soldiers called upon to humiliate the enemy must either learn to relish the task or run the risk of being paralyzed by guilt.
"The [victim] dehumanization process occurs because the perpetrator needs it to commit these atrocities," Mr. Waller says. "It becomes easier for them to do what they do if they buy into the justification that this person fully deserves \vhat they're getting. In fact, in this alternative moral universe, it would be an act of injustice not to belittle and abuse them."
Getting to that point, Waller says, depends on accepting rhetoric that equates the enemy with vermin -in this case, perceiving them as terrorists who measure up as sub-human and worthy of annihilation. Yet even wi th such ample rhetoric in mind, he says, a person may hesitate until he or she completes a first act of brutality, which "opens a floodgate" of base human behavior.
Crossing that threshold, which can seem unthinkable from an outside perspective, tends
to occur when an individual feels bound to a group and compelled to adhere to group
standards, Dr. Miller says. He cites a 1960s study in which YaJe psychologist Stanley
Milgram showed that ordinary people, when instructed by an authority figure, will
administer seemingly deadly shock "therapies" to a stranger. Another study by Philip
Zimbardo at Stanford University in 1971 ended abruptly because subjects, simulating
prison guards, "became sadistic."
Still, the mystery lingers: Why the enjoyment in watching others suffer? Perhaps glee merely covers up fear or shame beneath the pressures oh.:var. But theologians quickly cast the indictment \vider. Some see humankind perpetually struggling with a dark desire to wish enemies humiliated and to laugh when they are.
Even a professor of moral theology knows the sadistic impulse from personal experience. Thomas Massaro of\VestonJesuit School ofTheology recalls driving in the Bronx years ago when another driver cut him off. Further up the road, he saw the same driver had crashed into a pole. His first reaction was gleeful: "At least for a minute, I said, 'Ha! I hope he bas expensive damage to his car!' II
leash at Abu Ghraib prison. Apparently ordinary guys, too, poseel -with smiles -beside
men they'd allegedly beaten and piled high in a pyramid to get them to talk, Just
folloVv'ing orders, some said, yet the question remains: Wby such happy faces'?
Psychologists, theologians, and ajournalist who researched war for years hold that, under certain conditions, otherwise ordinary people can be susceptible to adopting a warped mentality in which they take pleasure in another's suffering -also known as sadism,
What, exactly, causes some people to engage in sadistic bellavior is something of a mystery, they say. But most cite the strangeness of a war zone, where othenvise honorable people -awash in feelings of duty, camaraderie, and revenge -sometimes lose the moral compass that guided their behavior in their former lives.
Two main theories abound on such cruelty: One is that vvar can make good people
callous, even sinister; the other is that everyone already is a bit cruel, and war just tends
to bring out the worst of it.
The fiery emotions of \II/ar and a foreign environment Can conspire to lower moral
inhibitions, says one psychologist who has studied people's justifications for evil and
violent behavior. In extreme cases, they may even transform honorable young men and
women into hardened characters who can induce pain without remorse.
"Personalities can become quite different," says Arthur Miller, a Miami University
(Ohio) social psychologist and editor of the new book "The Social Psychology of Good
and Evil." "As you victimize other people, you convince yourself you're doing a good
thing or else you go crazy. When this person returns, their families in fact are not seeing
the person they knew."
Others, however, say extreme conditions can bring to the fore irascible tendencies
common to some young adults, and the mission in war -to get the job done -might at
times cause a certain degree of sadism.
"You've got to see the enemy as less than human," says Lance Morrow, a former Time Magazine journalist who interviewed Serbian warlords for his 2003 book "Evil: An Investigation" "Glee expresses your pO\ver. The glee evident at Abu Ghraib is part of a parading of po,ver over powerlessness. It's aimed at breaking down the suspect by giving them a sense ofpowerlessness., .. [But] glee in wartime also covers up feaL"
Mr. Morrow regards soldiers' conduct at Abu Ghraib as "terrible" and "stupid" but not
"evil," since he says these humiliation tactics hardly rival the ruthless killing sprees he observed in Rwanda or Bosnia in the 1990s, In fact, stories of warriors who enjoy inflicting torture have dotted accounts from Attila the Hun to Adolf Hitler, although the spying eye of a camera -and its strange ability to forge a smile anytime -is relatively new.
commentator and bestselling author Sean Hannity, aired the unedited audio of the Berg video, complete \"lith the victim's gruesome screams. "I know you don't want to hear this. But you should make yourself hear it, because it is ". evil in your midst," Mr. Hannity said.
Along a similar vein, Laura Schlessinger, the radio psychologist known as "Dr. Laura," told listeners last week that high-school students should, \\'ith parental permission, watch the Berg video to better understand the war.
Little \vony of tampering with history
Newsroom denizens do say there's one thing they're not worrying about -the effect of the Iraqi images on world events. "It doesn't enter into the consideration at all, 8nd it shouldn't," said veteran reporter Terence Smith, correspondent for "The NewsHour \'\'ith Jim Lehrer" on PBS. "What \V'e're trying to do is report the ne\vs and wh8t's going on, not affect the war effort one way or another. And it would be very hard to decide what the ultimate impact of these photos will be."
According to a Monitor/TIPP poll finished last \veek, most Americans have another
perspective. Some 52 percent disapprove ofthe release ofthe prison-abuse photos. A
similar question in a CBS News poll found 43 percent objecting to the images' release.
And forty-nine percent of those polled by CBS said the media spent too much time on
prisoner-abuse stories.
While those numbers suggest antipathy toward, or at least frustration with, the press,
ombudsmen at five daily newspapers -in Houston, Sacramento, San Francisco, Seattle,
and Tucson, Ariz; -report that the most graphic images from Iraq spawned only mild to
moderate interest among readers. There's much more uproar when papers tinker vvith TV
listings, the comics, or the crossword puzzle.
Houston Chronicle reader representative James T. Campbell says liberals wanted to see
more prison photos, \vhile conservatives clamored for more images of Berg to shovi
terrorists are "barbarians."Cc) Copyright 2004. The Christian Science Monitor
Why a,'e they smiling?
The stresses of war can distort morality and draw out the worst in human nature,
psychologists say, but sadistic behavior is not inevitable.
Clzristi(lJ1 Science lv/onitol"
May 26, 2004
G. Jeffrey :\1acDonald
The camera doesn't lie, but it does raise a troubling question: As human beings are treated like animals, why is this "girl next door" smiling?
That question continues to haunt a disbelieving American public which in April gasped to see a photo of GI Lynndie England cheerily leading around a naked Iraqi prisoner on a
DODDOA 0131RR
Some TV ne\vs programs chose to show the moment \,,'hen Mr. Berg's killer pulled out a knife before killing the visiting American. But none showed the decapitation itself. And The Washington Post, which published another round of prison-abuse pictures on Friday, has declined to run dozens of photos for a variety ofreasons, in some cases because they're too sexual or violent. "These are human beings, and \ve're trying to bejudicious," says executive editor Leonard Downie Jr.
But those efforts haven't quelled controversy over the volatile images, according to a new Christian Science Monitor/TIPP survey and other polls. Many Americans support the media's v:atchdog role of investigating and exposing prisoner abuse, \vhile others worry that repeated display of shocking photos may cross boundaries of propriety at home or prompt new attacks on Americans abroad.
In seeking the right balance, mainstream news organizations are grappling not only with their own traditions but with emerging rivals, such as the Internet and talk radio.
Vaughn Ververs, editor of The Hotline, National Journal's online political newsletter, argues that the press is in danger of becoming irrelevant, witb so many people turning to the Internet -where the Berg video is enormously popular -in search of the most complete war coverage. News organizations are "no longer the gatekeepers of what Americans see and don't see," says Mr. Ververs. "They're at risk of losing their audience to a large extent."
The quandary of what to show
Still, the media outlets playa gatekeeper role, weighing what a general audience,
including children, should see.
The Post is especially cautious about what it puts on the front page, Mr. Downie says.
Indeed, many newspapers have chosen to stuff the most shocking photos inside, where
they're often smaller and in black-and-white. In California, The Sacramento Bee ran a
warning on the front page about explicit material on an inside page.
The Christian Science Monitor, too, has been careful in passing disturbing images along to readers.
"We ask ourselves what is truly new information, whether it is still news by the time we publish, and \lI/hether publishing amounts to facing an important issue Or simply walloVv'ing in the depiction of suffering or causing further harm to the victims," says Monitor editor Paul Van Slambrouck. "All this means \ve've been highly selective and used images only when essential to the meaning of the story."
Standards are different in the radio world, even amid an industrywide crackdown on explicit programming in the wake of the Janet Jackson's breast-exposing incident during the Super Bowl. Local and national radio talk-show hosts, including Fox Ne\,vs
Seven U.S. soldiers have been charged with physically and sexually abusing and
humiliating Iraqi detainees at the prison near Baghdad.
At the Pentagon, LaITY Di Rita, chief spokesman for Defense Secretary Donald I-I.
Rumsfeld, said both Mr. Rumsfeld and Gen. Richard B. l\·1yers, chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff, "are very impressed with the work General Sanchez performed from the
very beginning" of his service in Iraq.
President Bush yesterday praised Gen. Sanchez at an Oval Office event.
"Rick Sanchez has done a fabulous job," Mr. Bush said of the general. "I--Ie's been there
for a long time. I-lis service has been exemplary."
Gen. Sanchez testified before a Senate committee last week on the Abu Ghraib abuse
scandal and took responsibility.
Meanwhile, officials said yesterday the Army is planning to send into combat thousands
of soldiers whose normal job it is to play the role of the "enemy" at training ranges in
California and Louisiana.
The Pentagon also is considering adding another National Guard brigade, the 155th
Separate Armored Brigade from Mississippi, to Iraq in the next rotation of ground forces,
other Army officials said.
About 2,500 soldiers from the 11 th Armored Cavalry Regiment, which serves as a professional enemy force at the National Training Center at Fort Irwin, Calif., will be deployed to Iraq, officials said, as will the I st Battalion ofthe 509th Infantry, \vhich plays a similar role in training at Fort Polk, La.
Press wrestles with grim clips; Media extensively cover the prison scandal while
rejecting the most obscene images.
Christian Science Monitor
May 26, 2004
Randy Dotinga
Buffeted by a roiling debate over explicit images ofviolence, American news organizations are walking a fine line between good journalism and bad form as they try to cover the war in Iraq without alienating readers and viC\o.:ers.
Should they listen to commentators demanding the broadcast of the unedited video of Nicholas Berg's execution? Is it time to downplay the prison-abuse photos to help protect US soldiers, or time for the media to throw all its unpublished images onto the Internet?
Mainstream newspapers and major TV networks have been groping for a middle ground as they cover both the prison-abuse scandal and war casualties ""hile rej ecting the 1110st violent and obscene images.
"I would just say that Rick Sanchez has had the hardest job in the U.S. Army over the last year-plus," said retired Army Maj. Gen. William Nash, now a military analyst at the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington. "And that he's been faced with trying to make a coherent operation out ofa lot of incoherent parts."
Nash said Sanchez, who also has endured criticism for the rekindled Iraqi insurgency, had to deal with insufficient numbers of troops, shifting political guid~ll1ce and the U.S.led Coalition Provisional Authority, which Nash said was "less than fully organized and fully in command."
Military officials hope a ne,\! command structure v,,'ill improve communication between the military leadership in Iraq and the U.S. civilian presence, which will be transformed from the occupation authority to an embassy.
Military and civilian officials in Baghdad and Washington have described persistent friction between L. Paul Bremer III, the U.S. civilian administrator in Iraq, and the military leaders -Sanchez and his superior, Gen. John Abizaicl, head of the U.S. Central Command.
"Now, it couldn't be worse," said one official who recently left the coalition authority,
speaking on condition of anonymity. "Nobody talks to anybody."

Sanchez will be replaced as commander in Iraq
Washington Times
May 26, 2004
The Pentagon will replace its top commander in Iraq, a move that U.S. officials said was
not related to the abuse of prisoners at Abu Ghraib.

Army Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez will be replaced in June or July, said US. officials, who suggested that Army Chief of Staff Gen. George Casey is the 1110st likely candidate to replace Gen. Sanchez.
"There has been no final decision on a replacement, but General Casey is a top candidate," one official told Reuters. Other officials, saying the change of command was not a result of revelations about prisoner abuse, noted that Gen. Sanchez \vas due for a rotation of duty after 13 months of commanding in Baghdad.
Also yesterday, the Army suspended Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski as commander of the military police brigade implicated in the abuse ofIraqi prisoners at Abll Ghraib.
Gen. Karpinski and other officers in the 800th Military Police Brigade were faulted by Army investigators for paying too little attention to day-to-day operations at Abu Ghraib and for not moving firmly enough to discipline soldiers for violating standard procedures.
Sanchez was to take over the Southern Command, a post in which he would have
overseen U.S. forces throughout Central and South America and the Caribbean,
according to a senior Defense official who spoke on condition of anonymity.
That job reqllires Senate confirmation, a process that Defense officials feared \vould drag on because of continuing congressional questions about hO\v some members of the U.S. military treated detainees in Iraq. Though not faulting Sanchez, a three-star general, Defense officials said that lingering questions might have delayed Senate approval of the fourth star required for the higher command.
"This is not reilective of Sanchez's role in any of this," the senior Defense official said.
"It's just prudent, common sense that you're not going to get him through the
confirmation process until next year. So now what do you do \vith SouthCom? Once you
pull someone out, the \vhole daisy chain shifts."
Under the original Pentagon plan, Lt. Gen. Bantz 1. Craddock, a three-star general who is a close Rumsfeld ally and aide, was to be nominated for a fourth star and would have taken over a command in Iraq. With Sanchez temporarily sidelined, Pentagon officials opted to send Craddock to the Southem Command and send four-star Gen. George W. Casey, the second-in-command oftbe Army, to head a new, higher-ranked billet that will replace Sanchez's post in Iraq. Assignments ofthree-and four-star officers must be approved by the Senate. .
Other military sources suggested that revisions in the current Pentagon plan for the generals \'v'ere still possible. Under a scenario outlined by a former military official familiar \I-,:ith the plan to turn over sovereignty to Iraq next month, Craddock would take Casey's post as the No.2 uniformed Army official and Pentagon officials would continue to press Sanchez for the SouthCom post, relying on bis appeal as the highest-ranking Latino in the military.
In either case, the delicate minuet would shift Casey out of the Army's No.2 uniformed post after less than a year, and put a respected commander in Iraq, tbe most sensitive conll11and outside the United States. Casey has worked vlith Rumsfeld as director of the Joint Staff since January 2003 and bas allies on Capitol Hill. Although Pentagon officials have insisted that the shuffle is part of normal rotation of officers, it comes as the administration is suffering from sinking approval ratings at home and waves of criticism abroad.
"If something isn't working and you think the strategy is sound, the logical assumption is that the people who are executing it are the problem," said analyst Loren Thompson of the Lexington Institute, an Arlington, Va., public policy group.
Sanchez, who rose from poverty to become a high-rank:ing Army officer, has won loyal allies among his colleagues. Raised two miles from the Mexican border in Rio Grande City, Texas, Sanchez was recently named by Hispanic magazine as Hispanic of the Year.
Gen. Miller told la\\'makers last week that following his Iraq visit he laid out recommendations to military leaders on ho\\o' to better collect intelligence and conduct interrogations. Throughout September and early October, military la\\'yers and intelligence officers drafted four sets of rules for interrogating prisoners, the last of which \vas adopted in mid-October. Gen. Miller's rules frol11 Guantanamo \vere used as a framework for crafting the new guidelines, senior military officials have said.
But officials said they realized that practices employed at Guantanamo, vvhere prisoners
are not covered by the Geneva Conventions, were not appropriate in all cases in Iraq,
where the prisoners were entitled to at least partial protection of the treLlties.
One soldier who was involved in interrogations at Abu Ghraib said that with each new
draft, the rules seemed to put more restrictions on what soldiers could do to detainees.
For example, initially soldiers could force prisoners to assume stress positions, sllch as holding their arms above theif heads in the open sun for more than an hour, without the approval of the commanding general, the soldier said. By late October, such tactics could only be used with the commander's approval.
"Things did get stricter betv\,een the September rules and the October rules," this soldier
said.
In his investigation, Gen. Taguba questioned Col. Pappas extensively about the
requirement that Gen. Sanchez's approval was needed fOf dogs and wllether the rules
specified they should be muzzled, said the people who have seen the report. Col. Pappas
does not respond directly, one of the officials said, but he does say using dogs ",,'as a
procedure that he had discussed with Gen. Miller.
Scandal Derailed Plans for Ground Commander in Iraq Lt. Gen. Sanchez had been due to assume a new post. Nmv he's the Army's odd man out.
Los Angeles Times
May 26, 2004
John Hendren
The Abu Ghraib prison abuse scandal upset Pentagon plans to reshuffle a group of generals this summer, leaving Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, the top ground commander in Iraq, \'I'ithout a clear-cut assignment, officials said Tuesday.
Defense officials had planned to shift Sanchez as well as the Army's vice chief of staff and a top aide to Defense Secretary Donald E. Rumsfeld into new positions. But they were forced to tear up the plan and start over after the prison scandal grew, creating political and operational obstacles, officials said.
use of dogs to Col. Pappas during a visit to Iraq in late August and early September. lilt'S
not something he ever recalls discussing with Col. Pappas, certainly 110t for use in any
interrogations," said the spokesman, Lt. Col. Barry Johnson.
But a soldier in Col. Pappas's unit, the 205th military intelligence brigade, said in an
interview with The Wall Street Journal that he had been told that Col. Pappas and Gen.
Miller had discussed the merits of using dogs in interrogations during this period.
It remains unclear how extensively dogs were used against prisoners at Abu Ghraib.
Pentagon officials say that Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, the top U.S. commander in Iraq,
had to person ally approve use of dogs against any prisoner and that muzzles \vere
mandatory. The officials say he never gave such approval.
But on Nov. 30, Col. Pappas sent a memo to Gen. Sanchez asking for permission to llse "barking dogs," among other techniques, against a prisoner, according to an official \,vho has read the memo. In one photograph taken at the prison in Decem ber a naked prisoner cowers while two leashed but unmuzzled dogs growl at him, according to an official who has seen the memo. A second photo shows the prisoner lying on the floor bleeding, apparently after being bitten.
Col. Pappas, \I,;ho has declined all requests for interviews, appears to have an incentive
for attributing coercive techniques used at Abu Ghraib to senior officers. The report by
Gen, Taguba recommends that Col. Pappas be reprimanded fOL among other allegations,
failing to ensure his soldiers followed rules governing permissible interrogation
techniques.
At the time he went to Iraq, Gen. Miller was commanding the U.S. detention facility at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Pentagon officials, worried about the growing insurgency in Iraq and the poor results of interrogations, sent him to Iraq to examine the prisons there and recommend changes. During his trip, he visited Abu Ghraib, where Col. Pappas moved his headquarters in September.
Col. Pappas said in the classified annex to the Army's Taguba report that his soldiers used dogs \Iv'ith and without muzzles in the prison when interrogating prisoners, the officials said. Dogs were used in interrogations at Guantanamo but they were always muzzled, a soldier familiar \vith procedures there said.
Explaining the decision not to use muzzles sometimes at Abu Ghraib, Col. Pappas said,
"It's not very intimidating if they're muzzled," according to one of the officials with
knowledge of the statement. CoL Pappas said that dogs were ahvays kept on leashes, the official said,
At least two Army dog handlers have told investigators that, despite their own reservations, they were ordered by Col. Pappas's unit to use unmuzzled dogs against Abu Ghraib detainees, according to the officials viho have revie\ved the report.
*
Sanchez has been criticized for issuing an order last November putting military intelligence officers in control of Abu Ghraib. An investigation of prisoner abuse by Army l'vfaj. Gen. Antonio Taguba said the order created friction and confusion that may have contributed to abuses by prison guards.

*
Sanchez signed a memo Oct. 12,2003, that called for military intelligence officers (0 work closely with military police at the prison to "manipulate an internee's emotions and weaknesses."

*
Sanchez admitted in Senate testimony last week that he had not seen Red Cross
warnings about prisoner abuses in Iraq that were sent months before the abuses at Abu
Ghraib came to light.

Sanchez was rumored to be a candidate to head U.S. Southern Command in Miami,
which would promote him from three stars to a full four-star general, though that
possibility could be in question. "Pentagon leaders were recognizing the fact that some
atrocious behavior occurred while he was in command, and that has probably shaken
their confidence in his suitability for the higher job," Thompson says.
President Bush praised Sanchez on Tuesday, saying the Rio Grande City, Texas, native has "done a fabulous job."
Sanchez quickly began a criminal investigation in mid-January after the first computer disk containing photos of prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib was giyen to Army investigators. But Army investigators and members of the Senate Armed Services Committee have raised questions about his role in the scandal:
* The Pentagon has denied reports that Sanchez frequently visited Abu Ghraib prison around the time prisoners were being abused. Sanchez's boss, U.S. Central Command head Gen. John Abizaid, said last week that Sanchez visited on at least one occasion.
Pappas added that it "would never be my intent that the dog be allowed to bite or in any Via)' touch a detainee or anybody else." He said he recalled speaking 10 one dog handler and telling him "they could be used in interrogations" anytime according to terms spelled out in a Sept. 14,2003, memo signed by Sanchez.
That memo included the use of dogs among techniques that did not require special approval. The policy was changed on Oct. 12 to require Sanchez's approval on a case-bycase basis for certain techniques, including having "military working dogs" present during interrogations.
That memo also demanded --in what Taguba referred to during the interview as its "fine
print" --that detainees be treated humanely and in accordance with the Geneva'
Conventions.
But Pappas told Taguba that "there would be no way for us to actually monitor \vhether that happened. We had no formal system in place to do that --no formal procedure" to check hOVi interrogations were conducted. Moreover, he expressed frustration with a rule that the dogs be muzzled. "It's not very intimidating if they are muzzled," Pappas said. He added that he requested an exemption from the rule at one point, and \vas turned down.
In the interview transcript, Taguba's disdain for using dogs is clear. He asked Pappas if he knew that after a prison riot on Nov. 24, 2003, five dogs \vere "called in to either intimidate or cause fear or stress" on a detainee. Pappas said no, and acknowledged under questioning that such an action \vas inappropriate.
Taguba also asked ifhe believed the use of dogs is consistent with the Army's field manual. Pappas replied that he could not recall, but reiterated that Miller instigated the idea. The Army field manual bars the "exposure to unpleasailt and inhumane treatment of any kind."
At least four photographs obtained by The Washington Post --each apparently taken in
late October or November --show fearful prisoners near unmuzzled dogs.
One MP charged with abuses, Spec. Sabrina D. Harman, recalled for Army investigators an episode ''\vhen two dogs were brought into [cellblock] 1 A to scare an inmate. He was naked against the wall, when they let the dogs corner him. They pulled them back enougb, and the prisoner ran ... straight across the floor. ... The prisoner was corner~d and the dog bit his leg. A couple seconds later, he started to move again, and the dog bit his other leg."
Timing of general's departure questioned
USA Today
May 26, 2004 Dave Moniz and Tom Squitieri
Using dogs to intimidate or attack detainees \vas very much against regulations,
Karpinski said. "You cannot use the dogs in that fashion, to attack or be aggressive w'ith a
detainee.... Why were there guys so willing to take these orders? And \vho \vas giving
the orders? The military intelligence people were in charge of them."

Taguba never interviewed Miller or any officer above Kmpinski's rank for his report. Nor
did he conduct a detailed probe of the actions of military intelligence officials. But he
said he suspected that Pappas and several of his coJleagues were "either directly or
indirectly responsible for the abuses at Abu Ghraib."

In a Feb. 11 written statement accompanying the transcript, Pappas shifted the

responsibility elsewhere. He said "policies and procedures established by the [Abu

Ghraib] Joint Interrogation and Debriefing Center relative to detainee operations were

enacted as a specific result of a visit" by Miller, who in turn has acknowledged being

dispatched to Baghdad by Undersecretary of Defense Stephen A. Cambonc, after a

conversation with Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld.
Cambone told lawmakers recently that he wanted Miller to go because he had done a
goodjob organizing the detention center at Guantanamo Bay, and wanted Miller to help
improve intelligence-gathering in Iraq.
Some senators, however, have noted that the Bush administration considers Guantanamo
detainees exempt from the protections ofthe Geneva Conventions, and wondered if
Miller brought the same aggressive interrogation ideas with him to Iraq, where the
conventions apply.
When asked at a May 19 Senate hearing if he and his colleagues had "briefed" military
officers in Iraq about specific Guantanamo interrogation techniques that did not comply
with the Geneva Conventions, Miller said no.
He said he brought "our SOPs [standard operating procedures] that \ve had developed for humane detention, interrogation, and intelligence fusion" to Iraq for use as a "starting point." He added that it was up to the officers in Iraq to decide which were applicable and what modifications to make.
But Pappas said the result of Miller's visit was that "the interrogators and analysts developed a set of rules to guide interrogations" and assigned specific military police soldiers to help interrogators --an approach Miller had honed in Guantanamo.
After calling the use of clogs Miller's idea, Pappas explained that "in the execution of
interrogation, and the interrogation business in general, we are trying to get info from these people. We have to act in an environment not to permanently damage them, or psychologically abuse them, but we have to assert control and get detainees into a position \vhere they're willing to talk to us."
shackling, "making detainees strip down," or similar aggressive measures followed
Sanchez's policy, but \vere often approved by Sanchez's deputy, Maj. Gen. Walter
Wojdakowski, or by Pappas himself.
The claims and counterclaims between Pappas and Miller concern one of the most notorious aspects of U. S. actions at Abu Ghraib, as re\'ealed by Taguba's March 9 report and by pictures taken by military personnel that became public late last month. The pictures show unmuzzled dogs being used to intimidate Abu Ghraib detainees, sometimes while the prisoners are cowering, naked, against a \vall.
Taguba, in a rare classified passage within his generally unclassified report, listed "using
military working dogs (without muzzles) to intimidate and frighten detainees" as one of
13 examples of "sadistic, blatant, and '1'ianton criminal abuses" inflicted by U.S. military
personnel at Abu Ghraib.
Experts on the laws of war have charged that using dogs to coerce prisoners into
providing information, as was done at Abu Ghraib, constitutes a violation of the Geneva
Conventions that protect civilians under the control of an occupying power, such as the
Iraqi detainees.
"Threatening a prisoner with a ferocious guard dog is 110 different as a matter of law from pointing a gun at a prisoner's head and ordering him to talk," said James Ross, senior legal adviser at Human Rights Watch. "That's a violation of the Geneva Conventions."
Article 31 of the Fourth Geneva Convention bars use of coercion against protected
persons, and Common Article Three bars any "humiliating and degrading treatment,"
Ross said. Experts do not consider the presence in a prison of threatening dogs, by itself,
to constitute torture, but a 1999 United Nations-approved manual lists the "arranging of
conditions for attacks by animals such as dogs" as a "torture method."
But Pappas, who "vas charged with overseeing interrogations at Abu Ghraib involving
those suspected of posing or knowing about threats to U.S. forces in Iraq, told Taguba
that "I did not personally look at that [use of dogs] with regard to the Geneva
Convention," according to the transcript.
Pappas also said he did not have "a program" to inform his civilian employees, including a translator and an interrogator, of what the Geneva Conventions stated, and said he was unaware if anyone else did. He said he did not believe using force to coerce, intimidate or cause fear violated the conventions.
Brig. Gen. Janis L. Karpinski, who commanded the prison guards at Abu Ghraib's cell blocks lA and 1B until Nov. 19, when Pappas assumed control, said in an interview that Navy, Army and Air Force dog teams \vere used there for security purposes. But she said military intelligence officers "were responsible for assigning those dogs and \vhere they would go."
DonnOA n1~17&;
interrogator, said he \vas known as Blood. And Timothy Duggan, an interrogator from
Pataskala, Ohio, who said he was 6 feet tall and weighed 225 pounds, offered his alias,
Big Dog.
General Is Said To Have Urged Use of Dogs
Washington Post
May 26,2004
R. Jeffrey Smith
A U.S. Army general dispatched by senior Pentagon officials to bolster the collection of
intelligence from prisoners in Iraq last fall inspired and promotcd the use of gUlrd dogs
thcre to frighten the Iraqis, according to sworn testimony by the top U.S. intelligcnce
officer at the Abu Ghraib prison.
According to the officer, Col. Thomas Pappas, the idea came from Maj. Gen. Geoffrey D. Miller, \:vho at the time commanded the U. S. militarydctcntion center at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and was implemented under a policy approved by Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez, the top U.S. military official in Iraq.
"It was a technique I had personally discussed \vith Gcncral Miller, when he was here" visiting the prison, testified Pappas, head of the 205th Military Intelligence Brigade and the officer placed in charge of the cellblocks at Abu Ghraib prison where abuses occurred in the wake of Miller's visit to Baghdad between Aug. 30 and Sept. 9,2003.
"He said that they used military working dogs at Gitmo [the nickname for Guantanal1l0
Bay], and that they were effective in setting the atmosphere for which, you kno,v, you
could get information" fi·om the prisoners, Pappas told the Army investigator, Maj. Gen.
Antonio M. Taguba, according to a transcript provided to The Washington Post.
Pappas, who was ui1der pressure from Taguba to justify the legality and appropriateness
ofusing guard dogs to frighten detainees, said at two separate points in the Feb. 9
interview that Miller gave him the idea. He also said Miller had indicated the use of the
dogs "with or without a muzzle" was "okay" in booths \vhere prisoners were taken for
interrogation.
But Miller, whom the Bush administration appointed as the new head of Abu Ghraib this
month, denied through a spokesman that the conversation took place.
"Miller never had a conversation with Colonel Pappas regarding the use of military dogs for interrogation purposes in Iraq. Further, military dogs were never used in interrogations at Guantanamo," said Brig. Gen. J\t1ark Kimmitt, spokesman for US. forces in Iraq.
Pappas's statements nonetheless provide the fullest public account to date of how he viewed th~ interrogation mission at Abu Ghraib and Miller's impact on operations there. Pappas said, among other things, that interrogation plans involving the use of dogs,
nnnnnA n1~17Ll
The Army report said that Mr. Israel's statement of ignorance ran contrary to the
testimony of several witnesses. It also said he die! not have a security clearance, and
recommended that he be disciplined.
But if the failure to hold a secret or top-secret security clearance is a prosecutable
offense, almost every translator 'working in Abu Ghraib would be found guilty. The Army
records show that, of 15 Titan or SOS translators working at Abu Ghraib prison last fall,
only one held a security clearance. Nearly all of them are foreign-born American citizens,
and most come from backgrounds that have nothing to do \vith the sort of government
work that would require a security clearance.

Khalid Oman, for example, was a hotel manager in Kalamazoo, Mich., before leaving for
Iraq last fall to work as a translator for Titan, said 11is roommate, Sam Alsaue!, in an
interview, adding that Mr. Oman had never worked as a translator before answering a
Titan advertisement. Mr. Oman is still in Iraq. "I guess he was looking for adventure,"
Mr. Alsaud added. "But he's upset. Things haven't turned out like he expected."

Mr. Oman, 29, was born in the United States while his father, a Saudi, was here attending
college. No\v he is \vorking at Abu Ghraib. He was not implicated in the scandal.

The one translator who reported on his Army form that he held a "secret" clearance,
Bakeer Naseef, a Jordanian-American, worked as a security guard for a private company
before taking the job in Iraq, said his daughter, Siham. That job -at the reception desk
of a technology company in Austin, Tex. -did not appear to require a clearance, and she
did not know where he might have obtained one. She said he had not worked as a
translator before.. He, too, is still in Iraq.

The CACI Corporation employed all of the contract interrogators at Abu Ghraib,
including Stephen Stefanowicz, who is the other contractor implicated in the scandal. The
Army records show that each CACI employee held a secret or top-secret clearance
(though two of them did not answer that question). Eleven of the 29 employees served in
the military previously; others held a range ofjobs with contractors, and other private
companies -even police forces -that vvould have required a clearance.

Kenneth Powell, whose job is to screen prisoners at Abu Ghraib, according to the

documents, recently retired after 24 years with the Mobile, Ala., police force, where

presumably he picked up the skills, and the security clearance, to screen Iraqi prisoners.

Like all the relatives interviewed, his wife, Jackie, said she had not known where in Iraq

he was serving.

But, in an echo ofthe defenses offered by several members of the military police who have been ordered to face courts-martial for actions in Ir.'1q, companies 1118), be able to offer a "government contractor defense," in an effort to show they were operating under specific instructions from the government.
U.S. Civilian \Vorking at Abu Ghraib Disputes Army's Vel'sion of His Role in
Abuses

New York Times
May 26,2004
Joel Brinkley

John B. Israel, an Iraqi-American Christian and one of two civilian contractors implicated in the Abu Ghraib prison scandal, returned home to California a few weeks ago and, until Monday, was living quietly with his wife, Rosa.
In an interview on Monday at their home in Santa Clarita, Calif., Ms. Israel said that her
husband had not even hired a lawyer.

Mr. Israel, who was born in Baghdad in 1955, was one ofthree Iraqi-Americans working as translators at Abu Ghraib. The Army report on the abuses described him as "either directly or indirectly responsible for the abuses at Abu Ghraib."
On Monday, his employer, SOS Interpreting, with offices in New York and suburban Washington, called Mr. Israel here for talks. That same evening, SOS issued its first statement about Mr. Israel, saying simply that tbe company, a subcontractor for the Titan Corporation for the vvork in Iraq, "fully intends to cooperate with the Army and with Titan" in the investigations. SOS said it would have nothing more to say.
Almost nothing \vas known about M1'. Israel before now. Among a raft of documents from the Army investigation, obtained by The New York Times, is a brief statement by Mr. Israel in which he denies any knowledge of the abuses. In it he says he arrived in Iraq on Oct. 14 and served as a translator for military intelligence. Asked if he had "witnessed any acts of abuse," he wrote: "No I have not."
Ms. Israel said her husband was "just a translator" and knew nothing of the Abu Ghraib abuses. She said a fellow employee had gi\'en his name to investigators. She would not say when he expected to return home, and he could not be reached for comment.
DODDOA 013172
A 1996 lavv' concerning war crimes allovis prosecutions for violations of some provisions of the Geneva Conventions, including those prohibiting torture, "outrages upon personal dignity" and "humiliating and degrading treatment."
Bush administration lawyers cited potential prosecutions under the ]ayv as a reason not to give detainees at Guantanamo Bay the protections of the Geneva Conventions. But the administration has said that the conventions apply to detainees in Iraq.
Both the torture law and the war-crimes law provide for long prison sentences, and
capital punishment is available in cases involving the victim's death.
The broader law, the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act, allows people "employed
by or accompanying the armed forces outside the United States" to be prosecuted in
United States courts for federal crimes punishable by more than a year's imprisonment.
People who are citizens or residents of the host nations are not covered, but Americans
and other foreign nationals are.
The law has apparently been invoked only once, in a case involving charges that the wife of an Air Force staff sergeant murdered him in Turkey last year. The case \:vill soon be tried in federal court in Los Angeles.
The law was passed to fill a legal gap that had existed since the 1950's, when Supreme
Court decisions limited the military'S ability to prosecute civilians in courts-martial
during peacetime.
In 2000, a three-judge panel of the federal appeals court in New York, citing that gap, reluctantly overturned the conviction of an American civilian who had sexually abused a child in Germany. In an unusual move, the judges sent their decision to two Congressional committees. That helped encourage enactment of the law that year.
The law requires the Pentagon, in consultation with the State and Justice Departments, to establish regulations on how to carry it out. Though it was enacted four years ago, the regulations are still under consideration.
In any event, there are gaps and uncertainties in the law.
For one thing, it applies only to contractors employed by the Defense Department.
Contractors hired by other agencies, like the C.I.A., are not covered.
It is also unclear precisely where in the United States such prosecutions could be brought. Legal scholars have suggested that three places might be available: the area of the defendant's last known residence, the place \vhere the defendant is first brought from abroad and the District of Columbia.
In addition to such criminal charges, the companies that provided the translators and interrogators may be subject to civil suits for money, under a 1789 law that allows federal "We remain committed to taking all appropriate action within our jurisdiction regarding
allegations of mistreatment of Iraqi prisoners," Mark Corallo, a Justice Department
spokesman, said in a statement.
Prosecuting civilian contractors in United States courts \vould be "fascinating and
enormously complicated," said Deborah N. Pearlstein, director of the U.S. law and
security program of Human Rights First.
It is clear, on the other hand, that neither Iraqi courts nor American courts-martial are
available.
In June 2003, L. Paul Bremer III, the chief American administrator in Iraq, granted broad immunity to civilian contractors and their employees. They were, he wrote, generally not subject to criminal and civil actions in the Iraqi legal system, including arrest and detention.
That immunity is limited to their official acts under their contracts, and it is unclear
whether any abuses alleged can be said to have been such acts. But even unofficial
conduct by contractors in Iraq cannot be prosecuted there, Mr. Bremer's order said,
without his written permission.
Similarly, under a series of Supreme Court decisions, civilians cannot be court-martialed
in the absence of a formal declaration of war. There was no such declaration in the Iraq
war.
In theory, the president could establish new military commissions to try civilians cbarged with offenses in Iraq, said Jordan Paust, a law professor at the University of Houston and a former member of the faculty at the Army's Judge Advocate General's Schoo!. TIle commissions announced by President Bush in the wake of the Sept. 11 attacks do not, however, have jurisdiction over American citizens.
That leaves proseclltion in United States courts. There, prosecutors might turn to two
relatively narrow laws, or a broader one, to pursue their cases.
A 1994 law makes torture committed by Americans outside the United States a crime.
The law defines torture as the infliction of severe physical or mental pain or suffering.
But some human rights groups suspect that the administration may be reluctant to use the law, because its officials, including Defense Secretary Donald H. RUJTIsfeld, have resisted calling the abuse at Abu Ghraib torture.
"Ifthey clon't want to use the word 'torture,' " Ms. Pearlstein said, "prosecutions under the torture act aren't likely."
In two cases, involving the deaths of prisoners at Abu Gbraib on Jan. 16 and Feb. 19,
investigations continue even though the causes are believed to be natural. In the Feb. 19
case, Muhammad Saad Abdullah was found dead with "acute inflammation of tIle
abdomen." An autopsy classified the death as natural, apparently caused by "peritonitis
secondary to perforating gastric ulcer."
Army officials have been reluctant to discuss the type of detail that the document
describes, even when investigations into the cases are closed. The Army has refused to
make public the synopses of Army criminal investigations into the deaths 01' assaults of
Iraqi or Afghan prisoners \\'"hile in custody.
At a Pentagon briefing on Friday, a senior military official and a senior Pentagon medical official said the Army was investigating the deaths of 37 detainees in Iraq and Afghanistan, an increase from at least 25 deaths that a senior Army general described on May4.
Army officials have given rough breakdowns of those deaths, including those ruled natural deaths, homicides and ongoing investigations. But Army officials have been stingy w'ith details. Ofthe two homicide cases the Army has closed, for instance, officials have given only spare details about a soldier who shot and killed an Iraqi detainee \.vho was throwing rocks at the guards. The soldier was demoted and dishonorably discharged from the Army.
When asked Friday about details of pending investigations that military medical examiners had characterized as homicides, and that had been described in news accounts, a senior official would only confirm, "That's an ongoing investigation."
The official described the dates, locations and number of deaths involved in four cases ruled justifiable homicide, all in Iraq, including three at Abu Ghraib. But the official did not give details about the individual cases.
\Vho \Vould Try Ciyilians of U.S.? No One in Iraq
New York Times
May 26,2004

Adam Liptak
Though civilian translators and interrogators may have participated in the abuse at Abu Ghraib prison, prosecuting them \vill present challenges, legal experts say, because such civilians working for the military are subject to neither Iraqi nor military justice.
On the basis of a referral from the Pentagon, the Justice Department opened an investigation on Friday into the conduct of one civilian contractor in Iraq, who has not been identified.
reportedly threatened with being left with a naked male detainee, but that "investigation
failed to either prove or disprove the indecent-assault allegations."
The May 5 document said the three soldiers from the 51 9th were demoted: t\\lO to
privates first class and one to specialist. One was fined $750, the other two $500 each.
In what appeared to be a serious case of abuse over a prolonged period of time,
unidentified enlisted members of the 223rd Military Intelligence Battalion, part of the
California National Guard, were accused of abusing Iraqi detainees at a center in
Samarra, north of Baghdad.
The unit, based in San Francisco, operated under the command of the Third Infantry
Division, the armored force that led the Army assault on Baghdad last April and
continued to patrol the city and the surrounding region into the summer.
According to the Army summary, members ofthe 223rd "struck and pulled the hair of
detainees" during interrogations over a period that lasted 10 weeks. The summary said
they "forced into asphyxiations numerous detainees in an attempt to obtain information."
The accusations were based on the statement of a soldier. No other details of the abusenot the number of suspected soldiers nor the progress of the investigation -were disclosed.
A spokeswoman for the California National Guard in Sacramento, Maj. Denise Varner,
said she could not discuss any investigation ..
Another incident, whose general outlines had been previously known, involved the death in custody of a senior Iraqi officer, Maj. Gen. Abed Hamed Mowhoush, who died last November at a detention center run by the Third Armored Cavalry, of Fort Carson, Colo. Soldiers acknowledged to investigators that interviews with the general on Nov. 24 and 25 involved "physical assaults."
In fact, investigators determined that General Mowhoush died after being shoved head
first into a sleeping bag, and questioned while being rolled repeatedly from his back to
his stomach. That finding was first reported in The Denver Post.
According to Army officials and documents, at least 12 prisoners have died of natural or undetermined causes, including nine in Abu Ghraib. In six of those cases, the military conducted no autopsy to confirm the presumed calise of death. As a result, the investigations into their deaths were closed by Army investigators.
In another case, an autopsy found that a detainee, I\1uhammad Najem Abed, died of cardiac arrest complicated by diabetes, \vithout noting, as the investigation summary does, that he died after "a self-motivated hunger strike."
But the details paint a broad picture of misconduct, and shov,1 that in many eases among tIle 37 prisoners who have died in American custody in Iraq and Afghanistan, the Army did not conduct autopsies and says it cannot determine the causes of the deaths.
In his speech on Monday night, President Bush p0l1rayed the abuse of prisoners by American soldiers in narrovv' terms. He described incidents at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, which were the first and most serious to come to light, as involving actions "by a few American troops who disregarded our country and disregarded our valucs."
According to the Army summary, the deaths that are now being investigatec1most
vigorously by Army officials may be those from Afghanistan in December 2002, where
two prisoners died in one week at what vvas known as the Bagram Collection Point,
where interrogations were overseen by a platoon from Company A, 51 9th Military
Intelligence Battalion, from Fort Bragg.
The document says the investigation into the 1\vo deaths "is continuing with recent re
intervievvs," both of military intelligence personnel from Fort Bragg and of Army
Reserve military police officers from Ohio and surrounding states, who 'vvere serving as
guards at the facility. It was not clear from the document exactly which Army Reserve
unit was being investigated.
On March 4, 2003, The New York Times reported on the two deaths, noting that the
cause given on one of the death certificates was "homicide," a result of "blunt force
injuries to lower extremities complicating coronary artery disease." It was signed by an
Army pathologist.
Both deaths were ruled homicides within days, but military spokesmen in Afghanistan
initially portrayed at least one as being the result of natural causes. Personnel from the
unit in charge of interrogations at the facility, led by Capt. Carolyn Wood, were later
assigned to Iraq, and to the Joint Interrogation and Debriefing Center at Abu Ghraib.
Lt. Col. Billy Buckner, a spokesman for the 18th Airborne Corps, said in an e-mail
message on Monday that no one from the 5 1 9th Military Intelligence Battalion had yet
been disciplined in connection with any deaths or other misconduct in Iraq. He declined
to say if anyone from the unit was the subject of an ongoing investigation.
The document also categorizes as a sexual assault a case of abuse at Abu Ghraib last fall
that involved three soldiers from that unit, who were later fined and demoted but whose
names the Army has refused to provide.
As part of the incident, the document says, the three soldiers "entered the female wing of the prison and took a female detainee to a vacant cell."
"While one allegedly stood as look-out and one held the detainee's hand, the third soldier allegedly kissed the detainee," the report said. It says that the female detainee vV'as In his widely cited investigation report on the Abu Ghraib abuse allegations, Maj. Gen. Antonio Taguba found heavy fault \vith Karpinski's performance and recommended that she be relieved of command and given a formal reprimand. Inste3d she \,vas gi ven a lesssevere "memorandum of admonishment" on Jan. 17 by Sanchez.
Taguba reported that despite the documented abuse of prisoners, he saw no evidence that Karpinski ever attempted to remind the military police in her command of the requirements of the Geneva Conventions, which protect prisoners of W3r and civilian detainees in times ofarmed conflict.
TOP TIER PRINT
Abuse of Captives More Widespread, Says Army Survey
New York Times
May 26, 2004
Douglas Jchl, Steven Lee Myers and Eric Schmitt
An Army summary of deaths and mistreatment invol ving prisoners in American custody in Iraq and Afghanistan shov·/s a widespread pattern of abuse involving more military units than previously known.
The cases from Iraq date back to April 15,2003, a few days after Saddam Hussein's
statue was toppled in a Baghdad square, and they extend up to last month, when a
prisoner detained by Navy commandos died in a suspected case of homicide blamed on
"blunt force trauma to the torso and positional asphyxia."
Among previously unknown incidents are the abuse of detainees by Army interrogators from a National Guard unit attached to the Third Infantry Division, who are described in a document obtained by The New York Times as having "forced into asphyxiation numerous detainees in an attempt to obtain information" during a I O-week period last spnng.
The document, dated May 5, is a synopsis prepared by the Criminal Investigation Command at the request ofArmy officials grappling with intense scrutiny prompted by tbe circulation the preceding week of photographs ofprisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib. It lists the status of investigations into three dozen cases, including the continuing investigation into the notorious abuses at Abu Ghraib.
In one oftbe oldest cases, involving the deatb of a prisoner in Afghanistan in December 2002, enlisted personnel [rom an active-duty mil1tary intelligence unit at Fort Bragg, N.C., and an Army Reserve military-police unit from Ohio are believed to have been "involved at various times in assaulting and mistreating the detainee."
The Army summary is consistent with recent public statements by senior military officials, \:'1'110 have said the Army is actively investigating nine suspected homicides of prisoners held by Americans in Iraq and Afghanistan in late 2002.
DODDOA 0131RR
impressed with the work Gen. Sanchez performed from the very beginning" of his service in Iraq. Sanchez took command there in May 2003.
Regarding suggestions that Sanchez's departure is linked to the abuse scandal, Di Rita
said, "That's just \vrong."
Karpinski and other officers in the 800th Military Police Brigade were faulted by Army
investigators for paying too little attention to day-to-day operations of the Abu Ghraib
prison and for not moving firmly enough to discipline soldiers for violating standard
procedures.
Karpinski's suspension, which has not yet been announced by the Army, was the latest in a series of actions against officers and enlisted soldiers implicated in the abuse scandal at the prison near Baghdad.
Sanchez will be replaced in Iraq in what administration officials said was his scheduled
rotation after 13 months of duty there. Gen. George Casey, the Army's No.2 officer as
vice chief ofstaff, was in line for the post, defense officials said Monday.
Di Rita said, "There has been no final decision" on who will replace Sanchez.
Secretary of State Colin Powell, appearing Tuesday on CBS's "The Early Show," said he had heard the reports but could not say whether Sanchez's depaJiure was in any way related to the prison abuse problem.
Powell did say, however, that "we all knew this was coming about as part of the normal
rotation of commanders. General Sanchez has done a terrific job and he's been there for
over a year now, so it seems to me in the normal scheme of things."
Last week, Spc. Jeremy Sivits received the maximum penalty of a year in prison and a
bad-conduct discharge in the first court-martial stemming from the abuse of Iraqis at the
prison. He was among seven members ofthe 372nd Military Police Company that have
been charged.
Karpinski, \/,1ho has returned to the United States, has not been charged with an offense.
Being suspended from her command does not mean she has been relieved of command,
so technically she could be reinstated, although the intensity of the international furor
over the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse makes that highly unlikely, said the officials)
speaking on condition of anonymity.
"I don't know what the grounds are," Karpinski told l\.'1SNBC Monday night. "I know that I've been suspended. When I see it in writing, there will be an explanation for it. And what that means is I'm suspended fro111 my position as the commander of the 800th Military Police Brigade, and they assign me to another position until whatever the reason is, whatever the basis is, is cleared."
DonnOA n1~1R&)
PO\vell did say, however, that "we all knew this was coming about as part ofthe normal
rotation of commanders. General Sanchez has done a terrific job and he's been there for
over a year now, so it seems to me in the normal scheme of things."
Last vieek, Spc. Jeremy Sivits received the maximum penalty of a year in prison and a
bad-conduct discharge in the first court-martial stemming from the abuse of Iraqis at the
prison. He was among seven members of the 372nd Military Police Company that have
been charged.
Karpinski, who has returned to the United States, has not been charged with an oiIense.
Being suspended from her command does not mean she has been relieved of command,
so technically she could be reinstated, although the intensity of the international furor
over the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse makes that highly unlikely, said the officials,
speaking on condition of anonymity.
In his widely cited investigation report on the Abu Ghraib abuse allegations, Maj. Gen.
Antonio Taguba found heavy fault with Karpinski's performance and recommended that
she be relieved of command and given a formal reprimand. Instead she was given a less
severe "memorandum of admonishment" on Jan. 17 by Sanchez.
Taguba reported that despite the documented abuse of prisoners, he saw no evidence that
Karpinski ever attempted to remind tbe military police in her command of the
requirements of the Geneva Conventions, which protect prisoners of war and civilian
detainees in times of armed conflict.
Sanchez To Be Replaced
Associated Press
May 25,2004
Terence Hunt
The top U.S. military officer in Iraq, Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, will be replaced as part of a command restructuring that has been in the works for several months, administration officials said Tuesday. The Pentagon also suspended Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski fr0111 ber command.
Both have become symbols of lax supervision at the Abu Gbraib prison where U. S.
soldiers allegedly abused Iraqi inmates.
President Bush praised Sanchez during a photo opportunity in the O\'al Office. "Rick Sanchez has done a fabulous job," the president said as he met \\lith a group of Iraqis. "He's been there for a long time. His service bas been exemplary."
At the Pentagon, Larry Di Rita, chief spokesman for Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, said both Rumsfeld and Joint Cbiefs chairman Gen. Richard Myers "are very About two months after the Red Cross warned U.S. commanders of widespread prisoner
abuses, Karpinski assured the Red Cross in a confidential letter that Iraqi detainees were
being given the best treatment possible and that even more "improvements are
continually being made."
Yesterday, however, Karpinski insisted she was" set up."
Meanwhile, the Washington Post, quoting Pentagon and otber administration officials,
reported today that Bush plans to appoint a new, higher-ranking military commander for
Iraq, capping an overhaul of the command structure that is likely to replace Sanchez as
the top general on the ground there.
Sanchez has been besieged lately by questions about his oversight of detainee operations in Iraq, especiallY his role in the scandal over the abuse of Jraqi detainees by U.S. soldiers at Abu Ghraib. But administration officials said the move to install a new four-star commander has been under consideration for months, well before the mistreatment of detainees became major news. It is not clear 'vvhat will happen to Sanchez.
General Who Led Abu Ghraib Prison Guard Unit Has Been Suspended
Associated Press
May 25,2004
An Army general accused by military investigators of providing too little supervision for
an Iraqi prison where abuse of inmates took place has been suspended from her
command, officials say.
The decision to temporarily 1110ve Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski, a native of Rahway, N.J.,
frol11 her command of the 800th Military Police Brigade came amid reports that the top
U.S. military officer in Iraq, Army Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, is due to be replaced soon.
Karpinski and, other officers in her brigade were faulted by Army investigators for paying too little attention to day-to-day operations of the Abu Ghraib prison and for not moving firmly enough to discipline soldiers for violating standard procedures.
Karpinski's suspension, which has not yet been announced by the Army, was the latest in a series of actions against officers and enlisted soldiers implicated in the abuse scandal at the prison near Baghdad.
Sancbez will be replaced in Iraq in what officials said \vas his scheduled rotation after 13 months of duty there. Gen. George Casey, the Army's No.2 officer as vice chief of staff, was in line for the post, reported NBC News, The New York Times, the Los Angeles Times and The Washington Post.
Secretary of State Colin Powell, appearing Tuesday on CBS's "The Early Show," sai d he had heard the reports but could not say whether Sanchez's departure was in any way related to the prison abuse problem.
It was after Miller's visit to Abu Ghraib and some of his suggestions were implemented
that many ofthe questionable activities took place.
Head Of U.S. Prisons Is Off Active Duty And Loses Her Command
Reuters
May 25, 2004
Will Dunham
An American gcneral in charge of U.S.-run prisons in Iraq when the abuse ofprisoners
took place has been suspended as commander of the military police brigade at the heart
of the scandal and removed from active duty, the Army said yesterday.
Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski, a Rahway, N.J., native who had commanded the 800th
Military Police Brigade, was suspended from her duties, said Lt. Col Pamela Hart, an
Army spokes\-voman at the Pentagon.
Karpinski previously was formally admonished on Jan. 17 by Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez,
the top U. S. commander in Iraq.
The Army returned Karpinski yesterday to the Army Reserve from active-duty status.
said Al Schilf, an Army Reserve spokesman. In addition, Karpinski no longer serves as
commander of her Uniondale, N.Y.-based brigade, and was "temporarily attached" to the
U.S. Army Readiness Command at Fort Jackson, S.c., Schilf said. The Army was
seeking an "acting commander" of the brigade, Schilf said.

Karpinski currently lives in Hilton Head, S.c.
Karpinski told the Washington Post she was notified in an e-mail yesterday of her
suspension but has not yet been given a formal explanation.
"You'd think somebody would pick up the phone and call me," she said, lashing out at the Army hierarchy. "That should have been the protocol courtesy. I am a general officer. Nobody could spend the 25 cents to call me?"
Seven U.S. soldiers have been charged with abusing Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib on the
outskirts of Baghdad. Army Maj. Gen. Antonio Taguba's report on the abuse faulted
Karpinski's "poor leadership." Photographs sho\v U.S. soldiers physically and sexually
abusing and humiliating prisoners.
Asked whether Karpinski could face criminal charges, Schilf did not answer directly, but said, "This action doesn't close any doors."
Karpinski, Vv·ho bas served in the Army for 27 years, has argued that the cell blocks 'where the abuse was centered yvere controlled by US. military intelligence, not military police.
Republican running for the Senate; $1,000 to the New Jersey Republican State Committee; and $1,000 to Chubbpac. In 2001 he gave $2,500 to Chubbpac and in 2002 another $2,500, but made no similar donations in 2003, according to election records. In the years before he \vent on active duty, Fay gave smaller contributions to Cllubbpac. In 1997, he contributed $1,500 to the New Jersey Republican Party. In 1990, he gave $1,000 to New Jersey Democrat Bill Bradley's Senate campaign.
Defense Department regulations permit political contributions by military personnel but it is unusual for them to go through a corporate political action committee.
Sen. John W. Warner (R-Va.), chairman ofthe Senate Armed Services Committee. said
yesterday he was unmvare of Fay's background as a reservist and his political
contributions. "These are very hard facts and have to be considered," Warner said. He
added that "\\'e don't have reason to question \\hether he will do other than an honorable
job."
Warner also said he expects Fay's review ofthe role of military intelligence to include
policies and decisions made not just in Iraq but also at the Pentagon. Fay, Warner said,
should look "into the intelligence chain of command, not only in Cent com [the military
command covering Iraq], but also back here in Washington."
A Pentagon public affairs officer yesterday said Fay was "on the road and not taking any
questions about his investigation."
Richard Kohn, professor of military history at the University ofNorth Carolina at Cbapel Hill, said yesterday that Fay's limited experience as a reservist "does not inspire confidence in the investigation." He said the choice "is troubling. It raises the most basic question as to who chose him and wby and what his tasking is."
At hearings before Warner's Senate committee on May 11, Undersecretary of Defense for Intelligence Stephen A. Cambone said that Fay had conducted interviews in Iraq and was going to Germany "to see people who have since rotated from Iraq to Germany. And then will come back here to meet others."
Cambone, in answer to a question, said he expected that Fay would include the military
intelligence activities at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, in his inquiry. "If General Fay didn't
realize that was the subject of his investigation, sir, he is now painfully aware ofit," be
said.
Cambone could be one of those interviewed by Fay since he told Warner's committee that
in August 2003 he encouraged Maj. Gen. Geoffrey D. Miller, then head of Guantanamo, to go to Iraq to determine how to get a better intelligence through interrogation of detainees. Among other things, Miller advised that military police belp intelligence officers by setting conditions for interrogations.
A Pentagon official said Gen. Karpinski is not the subject of any criminal investigation
but is "still vulnerable to further administrative charges."
Prison Investigator's Army Experience Questioned
Washington Post
May 26, 2004
Walter Pincus
Maj. Gen. George R. Fay, who is leading the Army's in\'estigation into the role of
military intelligence a1 Abu Ghraib prison and other detention facilities in Iraq, is an
insurance company executive who has been on acti\'e duty for five years.
Fay, the Army's deputy chief of staff for intelligence, was stilllistecl as a managing
director of the Chubb Group of Insurance Companies in its 2003 annual report. He \vas
selected March 31 to head the sensitive investigation into intelligence practices and
procedures in Iraq, and began work on April 23, said Lawrence T. DiRita, the Defense
Department assistant secretary for public affairs.
Pentagon officials, lawmakers and others are looking to Fay to belp answer a central
question in the Abu Gbraib prison scandal: whether the military intelligence soldiers
responsible for interrogating detainees directed or encouraged military police officers to
commit the abuse captured in photographs that have roiled the Arab world and damaged
U.S. credibility. Fay's probe into military intelligence follows the widely reported Army investigation by Maj. Gen. Antonio M. Taguba that focused primarily on the role of military police.
Two Pentagon officials and one public affairs officer in Iraq said yesterday they could not say who chose Fay to run the inquiry, but one Army official said the orders "were cut by" Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez, the commanding general in Iraq.
At Chubb, Fay was executive vice president for claims and operations worldwide when
he was activated in 1999. Originally commissioned through the Reserve Officers
Training Corp Program in 1970, he served four years on active duty as a
counterintelligence officer.
Fay worked for Chubb but had a series of Army reserve posts, primarily in the New York area, from 1974 until 1999, when he was activ'ated and assigned as deputy commanding general of the Army Intelligence and Security Command.
Once activated, as a colonel, he was quickly promoted, first to brigadier general in 2000
and last year to major general. In October, he became deputy chief of staff for
intelligence at the Pentagon.
Fay has continued to make political contributions since he started active duty in 1999, some through the Chubb Corporation Political Action Committee (Chubbpac), according to public records. In 2000, he gave $500 to the campaign of Bob Franks, a New Jersey Gen. Karpinski told Gen. Taguba that she paid regular visits to various detention centers. But the Taguba report states, "The detailed calendar provided by her aide-de-camp docs not support her contention. Moreover, numerous witnesses stated that they rarely sa\\, Brig. Gen. Karpinski."
Asked by Sen. John McCain, Arizona Republican, to respond to Gen. Karpinski's
assertion she \vas excluded from certain sections of Abu Ghraib y,,'bere the abuse
occurred, Gen. Taguba answered, "I disagree with that."
Gen. Karpinski could not be reached for comment this \\'eek. But in a previous interview, .and in a vvTitten rebuttal to Gen. Taguba dated April I, she vigorously defended her tenure as Iraq prison \varden.
"The brigade suffered with diminishing personnel strength, without the benefit of a
personnel replacement system," she wrote. "We were s1..1ccessful in all missions, despite
numerous challenges and while operating in a combat zone, because the brigade \/"'as
determined and committed to do so."
As to Gen. Taguba's comment that she was "extremely emotional" during her testimony to him, Gen. Karpinski wrote, "The comments describing my emotional demeanor during a portion of my interview are misconstrued. Any implication of soldiers or the unit failing will elicit a strong emotional response from a caring and compassionate commander. The emotion was intense passion for my soldiers.
"Throughout my tenure in command I escorted hundreds of VIPs and media representatives through the numerous facilities the 800th Military Police Brigade secured. I consistently received rave reviews from all in attendance."
Gen. Karpinski, who took control of the penal system in Iraq on June 30, 2003, is now
back home in South Carolina. She has \vaged a spirited media campaign on cable TV
ne\vs channels to defend her record and to warn she will not be scapegoat.
The Army granted her permission to talk as long as she does not appear in uniform and
does not disparage the Army.
Gen. Taguba recommended she be reprimanded and stripped ofber command -a
career-ending move. Gen. Sanchez apparently overruled him, sticking by an admonishment issued in January.
Gen. Sanchez said at the Senate Armed Services Committee hearing that some of those already punished could face additional penalties. Gen. Karpinski's lawyer, Neal A. Puckett, said he does not think the statement applies to his client, who had no knowledge of the abuse until a soldier blew the whistle in January.
DonnOA n1~1FiQ
On her suspension, Mrs. Donnelly said, "Frankly, I wonder why it has taken so long. She
was there before, during and after the worst of the abuse. I'm not convinced at all by her
argument she did not know."
William S. Lind, who directs the Center for Cultural Conservatism at the Free Congress
Foundation, writes in a column this week that, "The apparent breakdo\,n in discipline
among the MPs at Abu Ghraib may relate to the presence of women, and especialJ y to the
fact that the commander was a woman.... The climate of 'political correctness' (or, to
. give it its true name, cultlJral Marxism) that has infested and overwhelmed the American'
armed forces makes it almost impossible to discipline a woman -and risky for a man to
attempt to do so."
Whatever the reason, one theme is clear: Abu GhrElib was a disaster waiting to happen.
Rules on uniforms were 110t enforced; soldiers wrote poems and other sayings on their
helmets; saluting of officers was not enforced. Records on inmates and escapes were
spotty. Regulations were not posted; no MP had been traincd adequately in detainee
operati ons.
"I have never seen a more dysfunctional command relationship in the history ofmc
looking at the military like that jail," Sen. Lindsey Graham, South Carolina Republican,
told Gen. Sanchez at a Senate hearing last week.
"Sir," the three-star general responded, "It was dysfunctional before the 19th of
November. "
His reference to that date was a message to his critics, including Gen. Karpinski. She bas blamed problems on the turnover of prison command from her 800th Brigade on that date to the 205th f\·1ilitary Intelligence Brigade. Some MPs accused of misconduct contend they acted on orders from 205th officers. But most abuses occurred in October and early November prior to the 19th, according to Gen. l)guba.
The exchange was just one example of disputes of fact bet\veen the one-star general and
more senior officers:
-At the same hearing, Gen. Sanchez vv'as asked about Gen. Karpinski's statements that she objected to the 205th taking over the jail. "Senator," Gen. Sanchez replied, "General Karpinski never talked to me about interference ..., There \-vas never a time where General Karpinski surfaced to me any objections to that tactical control order."
-Gen. Karpinski has quoted Maj. Gen. Geoffrey Miller as saying he came to Iraq to "Gitmo-ize" Abu Ghraib. It was a reference to Gen. Miller's tenure as the top jailer at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, where suspected terrorists from the Afghanistan war are being held.
Said Gen. Miller, "Senator, I did not tell General Karpinski I was going to 'Gitmo-ize' Abu Ghraib. I don't believe I have ever used that term ever."
DonnOA n1~1!)A
ARMY RESERVE
Generals At Odds OYer Abuse At .Prison
FVashingtol1 Times
May 26, 2004
Rowan Scarborough
An Army investigation and congressional hearings have spotlighted a series of
conflicting statements about Iraqi prisoner abuse bet\vcen the top brass and the general
who once ran Abu Ghraib prison and who v;as stripped this week of her brigade
command.
Some military advocates say Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski received light punishment
because she is one of the Army's few female generals. Recommended for a reprimand,
she instead received a minor letter of admonishment.
At first, she kept her command of the 800th Military Police Brigade. But as pressure mounted from Congress to punish higher-ups -not just enlisted MPs at tbe prison -the Army this \veek temporarily reassigned ber toa reserve unit at Fort Jackson, S.c.
The differences pitting Gen. Karpinski against superiors go to the heart of wby" the
infamous prison near Baghdad was dysfunctional and why it became the venue for
continued physical and psychological abuse of Iraqi detainees by military police.
Gen. Karpinski, a reservist who lives in Hilton Head, S.c., and works as a business
consultant, says the scandal stemmed from a lack of manpower at Abu Ghraib and no
clear direction from the military command in Baghdad Jed by Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez.
She denies knowledge of any abusive behavior before the scandal broke.
But Maj. Gen. Antonio M. Taguba, 'l-vho completed the first of several ongoing administrative investigations, lays some blame squarely at the feet of Gen. Karpinski. His report says she did not act on recommendations from a series of fault-fInding inquiries before the ill treatment began in October.
"Had the findings and recommendations contained v,:ithin their own investigations been
analyzed and actually implemented by Brig. Gen. Karpinski, many of the subsequent
escapes, accountability lapses and cases of abuse may have been prevented," Gen.
Taguba wrote.
Some pro-military persons ha"ve seized on the Abu Ghraib scandal as an example of a
"politically correct" military that does not \vant to punish a female general.
"I think they've been handling her with kid gloves," said Elaine Donnelly, who heads the Center for Military Readiness. "The fact that she is a yvoman general who portrayed herself as a victim may have had something to do with it."
A 1996 law concerning \I/ar crimes allows prosecutions for violations of some provisions of the Geneva Conventions, including those prohibiting torture, "outrages upon personal dignity" and "humiliating and degrading treatment."
Bush administration lawyers cited potential prosecutions under the law as a reason not to give detainees at Guantanamo Bay the protections of the Geneva Conventions. But the administration has said that the conventions apply to detainees in lraq.
Both the torture la\\' and the war-crimes law provide for long prison sentences, and
capital punishment is available in cases involving the victim's death.
The broader law, the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act, allows people "employed by or accompanying the armed forces oLltside the United States" to be prosecuted in United States courts for federal crimes punishable by more than a year's imprisonment. People \\'ho are citizens or residents of the bost nations are not covered, but Americans and other foreign nationals are.
The law has appar
DODDOA 01~1FiR
"We remain committed to taking all appropriate action within our jurisdiction regarding
allegations of mistreatment of Iraqi prisoners," Mark Corallo, a Justice Department
spokesman, said in a statement.
Prosecuting civilian contractors in United States courts vvoulcl be "fascinating and
enormously complicated," said Deborah N. Pearlstein, director o[the U.S. law and
security program of Human Rights First.
It is clear, on the other band, that neither Iraqi courts nor American courts-martial are
available.
In June 2003, L. Paul Bremer III, the chief American administrator in Iraq, granted broad immunity to civilian contractors and their employees. They were, be 'vrote, generally not subject to criminal and civil actions in the Iraqi legal system, including arrest and detention.
That immunity is limited to their official acts under their contracts, and it is unclear
whether any abuses alleged can be said to have been such acts. But even unofficial
conduct by contractors in Iraq cannot be prosecuted there, Mr. Bremer's order said,
\;vithout his written permission.
Similarly, under a series of Supreme Court decisions, civilians cannot be court-martialed
in the absence of a formal declaration of war. There was no such declaration in the Iraq
war.
In theory, the president could establish new military commissions to try civilians charged with offenses in Iraq, said Jordan Paust, a law professor at the University of Houston and a former member of the faculty at the Army's Judge Advocate General's School. The commissions announced by President Bush in the wake of the Sept. 11 attacks do not, however, have jurisdiction over American citizens.
That leaves prosecution in United States courts. There, prosecutors might turn to two
relatively narrow laws, or a broader one, to pursue their cases.
A 1994 law makes tOliure committed by Americans outside the United States a crime.
The law defines torture as the infliction of severe physical or mental pain or suffering.
But some human rights groups suspect that the administration may be reluctant to use the law, because its officials, including Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, have resisted calling the abuse at Abu Ghraib torture.
II Ifthey don't want to use the word 'torture,' " Ms. Pearlstein said, "prosecutions under the torture act aren't likely."
DonnOA n1~1!)!)
In two cases, involving the deaths of prisoners at Abu Ghraib on Jan. 16 and Feb. 19,
investigations continue even though the causes are believed to be natural. In the Feb. 19
case, Muharnmad Saad Abdullah was found dead with "acute inflammation of the
abdomen." An autopsy classified the death as natural, apparently caused by "peritonitis
secondary to perforating gastric ulcer."
Army officials have been reluctant to discuss the type of detail that the document
describes, even when investigations into the cases are closed. The Army has refused to
make public the synopses of Army criminal investigations into the deaths or assaults of
Iraqi or Afghan prisoners while in custody.
At a Pentagon briefing on Friday, a senior military official and a senior Pentagon medical official said the Army was investigating the deaths of37 detainees in Iraq and Afghanistan, an increase from at least 25 deaths that a senior Army general described on May 4.
Army officials have given rough breakdowns of those deaths, including those ruled natural deaths, homicides and ongoing investigations. But Army officials have been stingy with details. Of the two homicide cases the Army has closed, for instance, officials have given only spare details about a soldier who shot and killed an Iraqi detainee who was throwing rocks at the guards. The soldier was demoted and dishonorably discharged from the Army.
When asked Friday about details ofpending investigations that military medical examiners had characterized as homicides, and that had been described in news accounts, a senior offi cial would only confirm, "That's an ongoing investigation."
The official described the dates, locations and number of deaths involved in four cases ruled justifiable homicide, all in Iraq, including three at Abu Ghraib. But the official did not give details about the individual cases.
Who \Vould Tr-y Civilians of U.S.? No One in Iraq
New York Times
May 26, 2004
Adam Liptak
Though civilian translators and interrogators may have participated in the abuse at Abu Ghraib prison, prosecuting them ,,,,ill present challenges, legal experts say, because such civilians working for the military are subject to neither Iraqi nor military justice.
On the basis of a referral from the Pentagon, the Justice Department opened an investigation on Friday into the conduct of one civilian contractor in Iraq, \vho has 110t been identified.
nnnnnA n1~1&:;Ll
reportedly threatened with being left with a naked male detainee, but that "investigation
failed to either prove or disprove the indecent-assault allegations."
The May 5 document said the three soldiers from the 519th were demoted: two to
privates first class and one to specialist. One was fined $750, the other two $500 each.
In what appeared to be a serious case of abuse over a prolonged period of time,
unidentified enlisted members of the 223rd Military Intelligence Battalion, part of the
California National Guard, were accused of abusing Iraqi detainees at a center in
Samarra, north of Baghdad.
The unit, based in San Francisco, operated under the command ofthe Third Infantry
Division, the armored force that led the Army assault on Baghdad last April and
continued to patrol the city and the surrounding region into the summer.
According to the Army summary, members of the 223rd "struck and pulled the hair of
detainees" during interrogations over a period that lasted 10 \veeks. The summary said
they "forced into asphyxiations numerous detainees in an attempt to obtain information."
The accusations \vere based on the statement of a soldier. No other details of the abusenot the number of sllspected soldiers nor the progress of the investigation -were disclosed.
A spokeswoman for the California National Guard in Sacramento, Maj. Denise Varner,
said she could not discuss any investigation.
Another incident, whose general outlines had been previously known, involved the death in custody of a senior Iraqi officer, Maj. Gen. Abed Hamed Mowhoush, who died last November at a detention center run by the Third Armored Cavalry, of Fort Carson, Colo. Soldiers acknowledged to investigators that interviews with the general on Nov. 24 and 25 involved "physical assaults."
In fact, investigators determined that General Mowhoush died after being shoved head
first into a sleeping bag, and questioned while being rolled repeatedly from his back to
his stomach. That finding was first reported in The Denver Post.
According to Army officials and documents, at least 12 prisoners have died of natural or undetermined causes, including nine in Abu Ghraib. In six ofthose cases, the military conducted no autopsy to confirm the presumed cause of death. As a result, the investigations into their deaths were closed by Army investigators.
In another case, an autopsy found that a detainee, Muhammad Najem Abed, died of cardiac arrest complicated by diabetes, without noting, as the investigation summary does, that he died after "a self-motivated hunger strike."
nnnnnA n1~1&:;~
But the details paint a broad picture of misconduct, and show that in many cases among the 37 prisoners \vho have died in American custody in Iraq and Afghanistan, the Army did not conduct autopsies and says it cannot determine the causes of the deaths.
In his speech on Monday night, President Bush portrayed the abuse of prisoners by American soldiers in nanow terms, He described incidents at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, which were the first and most serious to come to light, as involving actions "by a few American troops \vho disregarded our country and disregarded our values,"
According to the Army summary, the deaths that are now being investigated 1110st
vigorously by Army officials may be those from Afghanistan in December 2002, where
two prisoners died in one week at what was known as the Bagram Collection Point,
where interrogations v ...·ere overseen by a platoon fro111 Company A, 519th Military
Intelligence Battalion, from Fort Bragg.
The document says the investigation into the t\,,'o deaths "is continuing with recent re
interviews," both of military intelligence personnel from Fort Bragg and of Army
Reserve military police officers from Ohio and surrounding states, who were serving as
guards at the facility. It was not clear from the document exactly "vbich Army Reserve
unit was being investigated.
On March 4,2003, The New York Times reported on the two deaths, noting that the
cause given on one of tbe death certificates was "homicide," a result of "blunt force
injuries to lower extremities complicating coronary artery disease," It was signed by an
Army pathologist.
Both deaths were ruled homicides within days, but military spokesmen in Afghanistan
initially portrayed at least one as be.ing the result of natural causes, Personnel from the
unit in charge of interrogations at the facility, led by Capt. Carolyn Wood, were later
assigned to Iraq, and to the Joint Interrogation and Debriefing Center at Abu Ghraib.
Lt. Col. Billy Buckner, a spokesman for the 18th Airborne Corps, said in an e-mail
message on Monday that no one from the 519th lv1ilitary Intelligence Battalion had yet
been disciplined in connection with any deaths or other misconduct in Iraq, He declined
to say if anyone from the unit was the subject of an ongoing investigation.
The document also categorizes as a sexual assault a case of abuse at Abu Ghraib last fall
that involved three soldiers from that unit, who \\'ere later fined and demoted but whose
names the Army has refused to provide.
As part of the incident, the document says, the three soldiers "entered the female wing of the prison and took a female detainee to a vacant cell."
"While one allegedly stood as look-out and one held the detainee's hand, the third soldier allegedly kissed the detainee," the report said, It says that the female detainee was
nnnnnA n1~1&:;?
In his widely cited investigation report on the Abu Ghraib abuse allegations, Maj. Gen. Antonio Taguba found heavy fault with Karpinski's performance and recommended that she be relieved of command and given a formal reprimand. Instead she \\'as given a lesssevere "memorandum of admonishment" on Jan. 17 by Sanchez.
Taguba reported that despite the documented abuse of prisoners, he saw no evidence that Karpinski ever attempted to remind the military police in her command of the requirements of the Geneva Conventions, which protect prisoners of war and civilian detainees in times of armed conflict.
TOP TIER PRINT
Abuse of Captives More Widespread, Says Army Survey
New York Times
May 26, 2004
Douglas Jehl, Steven Lee Myers and Eric Schmitt
An Army summary of deaths and mistreatment involving prisoners in American custody in Iraq and Afghanistan shows a widespread pattern of abuse involving more military units than previously known.
The cases from Iraq date back to April 15,2003, a few days after Saddam Hussein's
statue was toppled in a Baghdad square, and they extend up to last month, \\;hen a
prisoner detained by Navy commandos died in a suspected case of homicide blamed on
"blunt force trauma to the torso and positional asphyxia."
Among previously unknown incidents are the abuse of detainees by Army interrogators from a National Guard unit attached to the Third Infantry Division, who are described in a document obtained by The New York Times as having "forced into asphyxiation numerous detainees in an attempt to obtain information" during a 1 O-week period last spnng.
The document, dated May 5, is a synopsis prepared by the Criminal Investigation
Command at the request of Army officials grappling with intense scrutiny prompted by
the circulation the preceding week ofphotographs ofprisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib. It
lists the status of investigations into three dozen cases, including the continuing
investigation into the notorious abuses at Abu Ghraib.
In one of the oldest cases, involving the death ofa prisoner in Afghanistan in December 2002, enlisted personnel from an active-duty military intelligence unit at Fort Bragg, nc., and an Army Reserve military-police unit from Ohio are believed to have been "involved at various times in assaulting and mistreating the detainee."
The Army summary is consistent with recent public statements by senior military officials, \vho have said the Army is actively investigating nine suspected homicides of prisoners held by Americans in Iraq and Afghanistan in late 2002.
impressed with the work Gen. Sanchez performed from the very beginning" of his service in Iraq. Sanchez took command there in May 2003.
Regarding suggestions that Sanchez's departure is linked to the abuse scandal, Oi Rita
said, "That's just wrong."
Karpinski and other officers in the 800th Military Police Brigade were faulted by Army
investigators for paying too little attention to day-to-day operations of the Abu Ghraib
prison and for not moving firmly enough to discipline soldiers for violating standard
procedures.
Karpinski's suspension, vvhich has not yet been announced by the Army, \vas the latest in a series of actions against officers and enlisted soldiers implicated in the abuse scandal at the prison near Baghdad.
Sanchez will be replaced in Iraq in what administration officials said \\'as his scheduled
rotation after 13 months of duty there. Gen. George Casey, the Army's No.2 officer as
vice chief of staff, was in line for the post, defense officials said Monday.
Oi Rita said, "There has been no final decision" on who will replace Sanchez.
Secretary of State Colin Powell, appearing Tuesday on CBS's "The Early Show," said he had heard the reports but could not say whether Sanchez's departure was in any way related to the prison abuse problem.
Powell did say, however, that "we all knew this vvas coming about as part of the normal
rotation of commanders. General Sanchez has done a terrific job and he's been there for
over a year now, so it seems to me in the normal scheme of things."
Last week, Spc. Jeremy Sivits received the maximum penalty of a year in prison and a
bad-conduct discharge in the first court-martial stemming from the abuse of Iraqis at the
prison. He was among seven members of the 372nd Military Police Company that have
been charged.
Karpinski, yvho has returned to the United States, has not been charged with an offense.
Being suspended from her command does not mean she has been relieved of command,
so technically she could be reinstated, although the intensity of the international furor
over the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse makes that highly unlikely, said the officials,
speaking on condition of anonymity.
"1 don't know what the grounds are," Karpinski told MSNBC Monday night. "I know that I've been suspended. When I see it in writing, there \A/ill be an explanation for it. And what that means is I'm suspended fro111 my position as the commander ofthe 800th Military Police Brigade, and they assign me to another position until whatever the reason is, whatever the basis is, is cleared."
Powell did 'say, however, that "we all knew this was coming about as part of the normal
rotation of commanders. General Sanchez has done a terrific job and he's been there for
over a year now, so it seems to me in the normal scheme of things."
Last week, Spc. Jeremy Sivits received the maximum penalty of a year in prison and a
bad-conduct discharge in the first court-martial stemming from the abuse of Iraqis at the
prison. He was among seven members of the 372nd Military Police Company that have
been charged.
Karpinski, who has returned to the United States, has not been charged with an offense.
Being suspended from her command does not mean she has been relieved of command,
so technically she could be reinstated, although the intensity of the international furor
over the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse makes that highly unlikely, said the officials,
speaking on condition of anonymity.
In his \lv'idely cited investigation report on the Abu Ghraib abuse allegations, Maj. Gen.
Antonio Taguba found heavy fault with Karpinski's performance and recommended that
she be relieved of command and given a formal reprimand. Instead she was given a less
severe "memorandl..lm of admonishment" on Jan. 17 by Sanchez,
Taguba reported that despite the documented abuse of prisoners, he saw no evidence that
Karpinski ever attempted to remind the military police in her command of the
requirements of the Geneva Conventions, which protect prisoners of war and civilian
detainees in times of armed conflict.
Sanchez To Be Replaced
Associated Press
May 25, 2004
Terence Hunt
The top U.S. military officer in Iraq, Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, will be replaced as part of a command restructuring that has been in the \\'orks for several months, administration officials said Tuesday. The Pentagon also suspended Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski from her command.
Both have become symbols of lax supervision at the Abu Ghraib prison where U.S.
soldiers allegedly abused Iraqi inmates.
President Bush praised Sanchez during a photo opportunity in the Oval Office. "Rick
Sanchez has done a fabulous job," the president said as he met with a group of Iraqis. "He's been there for a long time. His service has been exemplary,"
At the Pentagon, Larry Di Rita, chief spokesman for Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, said both Rumsfeld and Joint Chiefs chairman Gen. Richard Myers "are very
DODDOA 01~14q
About two months after the Red Cross warned U.S. commanders of widespread prisoner
abuses, Karpinski assured the Red Cross in a confidential letter that Iraqi detainees \vere
being given the best treatment possible and that even more "improvements are
continually being made."
Yesterday, however, Karpinski insisted she v ../as "set up."
J\1eanwhile, the Washington Post, quoting Pentagon and other administration officials,
reported today that Bush plans to appoint a new, higher-ranking military commander for
Iraq, capping an overhaul of the command structure that is likely to replace Sanchez as
the top general on the ground there.
Sanchez has been besieged lately by questions about his oversight of detainee operations in Iraq, especially his role in the scandal over the abuse ofIraqi delainees by U.S. soldiers at Abu Ghraib. But administration officials said the move to insLdl a new four-star commander has been under consideration for months, well before the mistreatment of detainees became major news. It is not clear \vhat "' ..ill happen to Sanchez.
General \Vho Led Abu Ghraib Prison Guard Unit Has Been Suspended
Associated Press
May 25,2004
An Army general accused by military investigators of providing too little supervision for
an Iraqi prison where abuse of inmates took place has been suspended from her
command, officials say.
The decision to temporarily move Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski, a native of Rahway, N.J.,
fr0111 her command ofthe 800th Military Police Brigade came amid reports that the top
U.S. military officer in Iraq, Army Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, is due to be replaced soon.
Karpinski and other officers in her brigade were faulted by Army investigators for paying too little attention to day-to-day operations of the Abu Ghraib prison and for not moving firmly enough to discipline soldiers for violating standard procedures.
Karpinski's suspension, which has not yet been announced by the Army, \vas the latest in a series of actions against officers and enlisted soldiers implicated in the abuse scandal at the prison near Baghdad.
Sanchez will be replaced in Iraq in what officials said was his scheduled rotation after 13 months of duty there. Gen. George Casey, the Army's No.2 officer as vice chief of staff, was in line for the post, reported NBC News, The New York Times, the Los Angeles Times and The Washington Post.
Secretary of State Colin Powell, appearing Tuesday on CBS's "The Early Show," said he had heard the reports but could not say whether Sanchez's departure v,as in any way related to the prison abuse problem.
It was after Miller's visit to Abu Ghraib and some of his suggestions \vere implemented
that many of the questionable activities took place.
Head Of U.S. Prisons Is Off Active Duty And Loses Her Command
Reuters
May 25, 2004
Will Dunham
An American general in charge of U.S.-run prisons in Iraq \vhen the abuse of prisoners
took place has been suspended as commander of the military police brigade at the beart
of the scandal and removed from activc duty, the Army said ycsterday.
Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski, a Rahway, N.J., native who had commanded the 800th
Military Police Brigade, was suspended from her duties, said Lt. Col Pamela Hart, an
Army spokes'vvoman at the Pentagon.
Karpinski previously was formally admonished on Jan. 17 by Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez,
the top U.S. commander in Iraq.
The Anny returned Karpinski yesterday to the Army Resen'e from active-duty status,
said Al Schilf, an Army Reserve spokesman. In addition, Karpinski no longer serves as
commander of her Uniondale, N. Y.-based brigade, and was "temporarily attached" to the
U.S. Army Readiness Command at Fort Jackson, S.c., Scbilfsaid. The Army was
seeking an "acting commander" of the brigade, Schilf said.

Two Pentagon officials and one public affairs officer in Iraq said yesterday they could not say who chose Fay to run the inquiry, but one Army official said the orders "were cut by" Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez, the commanding general in Iraq.
At Chubb, Fay was executive vice president for claims and operations \vorldwide when
he was activated in 1999. Originally commissioned through the Reserve Officers
Training Corp Program in 1970, he served four years on active duty as a
counterintelligence officer.
Fay worked for Chubb but had a series of Army reserve posts, primarily in the New York area, from 1974 until 1999, when he was activated and assigned as deputy cOl1ll11.anding general of the Army Intelligence and Security Command.
Once activated, as a colonel, he was quickly promoted, first to brigadier general in 2000 and last year to major general. In October, he became deputy chief of staff for intelligence at the Pentagon.
Fay has continued to make political contributions since he started active duty in 1999, some through the Chubb Corporation Political Action Committee (Chubbpac), according to public records. In 2000, he gave $500 to the campaign of Bob Franks, a New Jersey Gen. Karpinski told Gen. Taguba that she paid regular visits to various detention centers.
But the Taguba reportstates, 'The detailed calendar provided by her aide-de-camp does
not support ber contention. Moreover, numerous \vitnesses stated that they rarely saw
Brig. Gen. Karpinski."
Asked by Sen. John McCain, Arizona Republican, to respond to Gen. Karpinski's
assertion she was excluded from certain sections of Abu Ghraib where the abuse
occurred, Gen. Taguba answered, "I disagree with that."
Gen. Karpinski could not be reached for comment this week. But in a previous interview, and in a written rebuttal to Gen. Taguba dated April 1, she vigoroLlsly defended her tenure as Iraq prison warden.
"The brigade suffered with diminishing personnel strength, without the benefit of a
personnel replacement system," she wrote. "We were successful in all missions, despite
numerous chalJenges and while operating in a com bat zone, because the brigade was
determined and committed to do so."
As to Gen. Taguba's comment that she was "extremely emotional" during ber testimony to him, Gen. Karpinski wrote, "The comments describing my emotional demeanor during a portion of my interview are misconstrued. Any implication of soldiers or the unit failing will elicit a strong emotional response from a caring and compassionate commander. The emotion was intense passion for my soldiers.
"Throughout my tenure in command I escorted hundreds of VIPs and media representatives through the numerous facilities the 8001h IV1i1itary Police Brigade secured. I consistently received rave reviews from all in attendance."
Gen. Karpinski, who took control ofthe penal system in Iraq on June 30, 2003, is now
back home in Soutb Carolina. She has waged a spirited media campaign on cable TV
news channels to defend her record and to warn she will not be scapegoat.
The Army granted her permission to talk as long as she does not appear in uniform and
does not disparage the Army.
Gen. Taguba recommended she be reprimanded and stripped of her command -a
career-ending move. Gen. Sanchez apparently overruled him, sticking by an admonishment issued in January.
Gen. Sanchez said at the Senate Armed Services Committee hearing that some of those already punished could face additional penalties. Gen. Karpinski's lawyer, Neal A. Puckett, said be does not think the statement applies to his client, who had no knowledge of the abuse until a soldier blew the whistle in January. .
On her suspension, Mrs. Donnelly said, "Frankly, I wonder why it has taken so long. She . was there before, during and after the worst of the abuse. I'm not convinced at all by her argument she did not know."
William S. Lind, \vho directs the Center for Cultural Conservatism at the free Congress Foundation, writes in a column this week that, "The apparent breakdown in discipline among the MPs at Abu Ghraib may relate to the presence ofvvomen, and especially to the fact that the commander was a \\loman .... The climate of 'political correctness' (or, to give it its true name, cultural Marxism) that has infested and overwhelmed the American armed forces makes it almost impossible to discipline a woman -and risky for a man to attempt to do so."
Whatever the reason, one theme is clear: Abu Ghraib \\'as a disaster waiting to happen.
Rules on uniforms were not enforced; soldiers wrote poems and other sayings on their
helmets; saluting of officers was not enforced. Records on inmates and escapes were
spotty. Regulations \vere not posted; no MP had been trained adequately in detainee
operations.
"I have never seen a more dysfunctional command relationship in the history of me
looking at the military like that jail," Sen. Lindsey Graham, South Carolina RepUblican,
told Gen. Sanchez at a Senate hearing last v,·eek.
"Sir," the three-star general responded, "It was dysfunctional before the 19th of
November."
His reference to that date was a message to his critics, incluJing Gen. Karpinski. She bas blamed problems on the turnover of prison command from her 800th Brigade on that date to the 205th Military Intelligence Brigade. Some MPs accused of misconduct contend they acted on orders from 205th officers. But most abuses occurred in October and early November prior to the 19th, according to Gen. Taguba.
The exchange was just one example of disputes of fact between the one-star general and
more senior officers:
·At the same hearing, Gen. Sanchez was asked about Gen. Karpinski's statements that she objected to the 205th taking over the jail. "Senator." Gen. Sanchez replied, "General Karpinski never talked to me about interference.... There was never a time where General Karpinski surfaced to me any objections to that tactical control order. I!
-Gen. Karpinski has quoted Maj. Gen. Geoffrey Miller as saying he came to Iraq to "Gitmo-ize" Abu Ghraib. It was a reference to Gen. Iv1i1ler's tenure as the top jailer at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, where suspected terrorists from the Afghanistan war are being held.
Said Gen. Miller, "Senator, I did not tell General Karpinski I was going to 'Gitmo-ize' Abu Ghraib. I don't believe I have ever used that term ever."
ARMY RESERVE
Generals At Odds Over Abuse At Prison
Washington Times
May 26, 2004
Rowan Scarborough
An Army investigation and congressional hearings have spotlighted a series of
conflicting statements about Iraqi prisoner abuse between the top brass and tbe general
who once ran Abu Gbraib prison and who v,:as stripped this week of her brigade
command.
Some military advocates say Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski received light punishment
because she is one of the Army's few female generals. Recommended for a reprimand,
she instead received a minor letter of admonishment.
At first, she kept her command of the 800th Military Police Brigade. But as pressure mounted from Congress to punish higber-ups -not just enlisted MPs at the prison -the Army this week temporarily reassigned her 10 a reserve unit at Fort Jackson, S.c.
The differences pi tting Gen. Karpinski against superiors go to the heart of why the
infamous prison near Baghdad was dysfunctional and why it became the venue for
continued physical and psychological abuse of Iraqi detainees by military police.
Gen. Karpinski, a reservist who Jives in Hilton Head, S.c., and works as a business
consultant, says the scandal stemmed from a lack of manpower at Abu Ghraib and no
clear direction from the military command in Baghdad led by Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez.
She denies knowledge of any abusive behavior before the scandal broke.
But Maj. Gen. Antonio M. Taguba, who completed the first of several ongoing administrative investigations, lays some blame squarely at the feet of Gen.' Karpinski. His report says she did not act on recommendations from a series of fault-finding inquiries before the ill treatment began in October.
"Had the findings and recommendations contained \\lithi11 their own investigations been
analyzed and actually implemented by Brig. Gen. Karpinski, many of the subsequent
escapes, accountability lapses and cases of abuse may have been prevented," Gen.
Taguba wrote.
Some pro-military persons have seized on the Abu Glnaib scandal as an example of a
"politically correct" military that does not want to punish a female general.
"I think they've been handling her with kid gloves," said Elaine Donnelly, who heads the Center for Military Readiness. "The fact that she is a woman general who portrayed herself as a victim may have had something to do with it."
DELIVERING THE GOODS
The 358th Civil Affairs Team A (CAT-A), an Army Reserve LJnit ['['om Norristown. Pennsylvania. rruvidcs
direct support to the l'.·julti-National Division-Sollth East (MND-SE) while assigned to CUlllbinccl.loint Task
Force 7 (C.lTF-7) in support ofOperatio[l Iraqi Freedom. The CAT-A is headquartered in SanHlwah, Iraq,
and coordinates humanitarian assistance activities in close coordimllion with the Coalition Pruvisional
Authority (CPA). U.S. Agency for Jnternational Development (USAJD:I, and the lruq and Kuwait 'Humanitarian Orerations Center (HOC).
The responsibilities orthe CAT-A include pl'Oviding civilll1ililary stutL[uglllcntalion and civil alTairs
planning and assessment support to maneuver commanders: providing linguistic. regiollCll E[nd cultu['al
expertise to suppOI'l commanders; iclcntiljing and facilitating foreign nation support; minimizing civilian
interference with mi I itar), operat ions: conducting area studies and assessmcnts in support u rcivi I 111 i I itary
operations; and conducting inter-agency liaison and operations when directed. SonIc projects the team is
involved in include the Rumaytha Sewage Project. i(amidia Medical Supplies Project, the Cleaner and
Brighter Iraq Project, and the Rumaytha Girl's Primary School Oeillal Class Project.
The Rumaytha SelVage Project initially involved installatioll ofgri:lvity drainage, which included inst81ling sewage pipes and manholes, and connecting the pipes to a sump pit. Also installed \Vcre a sump pump. pressure line, and electrical backup generation S) stem. The project resulted in availability ofclclllll:r cirinking watcr, better sewage disposal. and an improved quality of life for the people of RUlllaytha.
"I love this country, ancl J love helping these people:' said Sgt. I st Class Thomas D. Bucci. the 35Sth C;\T
A's noncommissioned officer in charge and supervisor of the RUlllllytlw Sewage Project. who is proficient in
the local language.
Sgt. Scon Bambu, a civil affairs specialist assigned to the 35811\ CAT-A also is proud of his contributions in
Iraq. He served as project coordinator for th,e i(aillidia Medical Supplies Project. \Vhich was designed ((l help replenish medical supplies, equipment andllledications in and around the Muthann8 Governatc. According to Balllbu, the Kall1idia Medical Supplies Facility has played a vital role in supplying essential items to those Illedical facilities and hospitals most in need.
"j am delighted to be in a position to make a difference:' said 8alllbu
The Cleaner and Brighter II'aq Project was designed to temporarily employ up to 100,000 I['aqi citizens to clean up II communities throughout the MUlhanna Govelllate. including the cities of Sam8wah, Khider, Ramaytha, and Salman. Maj. Kelly Thrasher. 358th CAT-A team leader, managed the project working with the Iraqi Ministry of Public \}/orks to assist them in achieving their eillploynlent and cOlllmunity clean Lip goals.
"This project has been very popular \\ ilh the I['aqis because it cmplo) $ so man) people," said Thrasher. "It's "What we've found here is that many of the physicians in charge oflrClq's clinics or hospitals have little or no basic management skills." said Pogge. "This is something we are trying ~o correct \'1ith the loc81 physicians in communities around Baghdad."
great to see the I['aqi people helping themselves."
Tile Rumaytha Girl's Primary School Dental Class Project involled the "The Samawah
issuance of700 toothb['ushes and tubes oi'lOothpastc provided by lile 358tl1 CAT-.'\., followed by training in proper dentai care. CAT-A is one of the finest
Col. Robert P .. Stall, cOlllmander of the 3 58th Ci vi I Affai rs Brigade, ['eeelltly special
visited his Samawah CAT-A stating, "The SalllalYah CAT-A is one of the operations
tinest special operations teams I have operClting in Iraq. Everyone of Ill)' teams I have
Soldiers is coordinating. supervising und Illanaging several humanitarian assistance project simultaneously. I'm proud of the great 1I'0rk they are doing in helping the Iraqi people in service to our c.;ountry." operating in Iraq,"

Previously. Pogge had Illet several of the doctors attending the workshop. Many caille from clinics find
hospitals in eastern Baghdad where the 411th works in the 2nd Arillored Cavalry Regimcnt's area of
operations.

The coul'se was based on one that Pogge took at the University of i(cntuck) as pari uJher tr8illing ill the United States. An eight-clay crash course. it is broken into several Courses 011 leadership. decision Illclking. human resources. resource allocation. and projectmanagcl1lcnl. all of which emphasize grClup work, case studies and hands on learning,
According to Pogge, working on problems in groups is probably one ofthc most ill1pUl"lClnt P,Ii'lS of the
course,

"Management doesn't have to be autocratic." said Pogge. who hopes Iraq's M inistr} uJ'I'!culth will adopt the course for use in the future with more physicians throughout Iraq. "It olien is helpful to consult with your staff and to bring them into the process. This is one of things we are trying to tcach the health care professionals attending this course."
According to Pogge, the experience has been extrenlely rewarding.
"It's exciting to go home with a sense ofaccomplisllment-a sense orhaving helped the local medical cOlllmunity 1l1ake asmoother transition." said Pogge. "That's what civil affairs in the milital'y is all aboLltaccomplishment. ,.
MOVING PASSENGERS THROUGH AREA 51
The Army has begun operations at a new air passenger terminai ill l'uIVail. with the gllill of transporting
hundreds of Soldiers daily to destinations within the Operation Iraqi Freedom theater.

"Soldiers will be traveling by intra-theater airplane into and out of Iraq:' said Maj. Vi\·ian Gal. onicer in
charge of tile 319'1 Movement Control Team. an Army Reserve unit 1'1'0111 Dover. Delaware. responsible for
operations at the terminal.

The terminal is composed of several tents. which are being used as passenger holding areas. and a parkillg lot and turn-around area for buses dropping olland picking up p[1ssengel·s.
"The plan is for Soldiers to be here only about three hOLirs tops." addt;d Gaz. "Wt; will have MREs (tvleals
Ready to Eat) and \~atel' here. Soldiers should have their last hot meal at their dcpmting camps."

To keep operations as efficient as possible, plans call for using only a single type of tactical aircraft. A II of the planes will be configured to carry the same number o[passengers. as well as two b8ggilge pellets.
The terminal is anticipated to ease some orthe congestion at the military "The plan is for APO (airport point of debat'kation) in Kuwait. Most travelthl'Ough the
Soldiers to be here
new terlll inal will be work-related. meaning rest and recuperative tl'avel
only about three
,\oillnot be processed through the terminal. And tile terillinal will sen'icc four airiields-Baghdad Intel'llatlonal Airport. Ralad. Moslii. and al hours tops," Asad.
A small permanent party ofArl1lY Soldiers \\,ill be stationed at the tel'lllinal. dubbed "Area 51" alier the locale in Nevada that UFO fantasists theorize is an extraterrestrial stomping ground. Soldiers to be hl!re hOllrs tops.
Through face-to-face encounters, the psychologiccd operations team also is larilling ties v,ith communit)' leaders, such as religious ieadel's, Inedical practitioners and professors. \Iho tlrc helping to spread a Illore positi ve message.
"It is extremely important that we gain the support of these key l:Ollllllunicutors. So rar. we've buill sll"Ong. solid relations within the co III III unity," said Wilson. "More and Illore, IH are finding that they arc coming forward to speak on our behal f."
GOING BACK TO SCHOOL
For many school-age children in Baghdad, school has been out since the beginning orOpcration Iraqi Freedom. However, for Iraqi children who used to attend the Darweesh school in the westcrn Abu Cihraib province of Baghdad, school is now back in session thanks to the efforts urthe Soldiers orthe 414th Civil Affairs Battalion, an Army Reserve unit from Utica, J'.:ew York.
Recently, more than 500 childrcnlincd up along the sides orthe Darwcesh school courtyard to weicoille the members of the 414th during a ribbon cutting ceremony designed to mark the ofiicial reopening orthe school.
Both Spc. Maynard Ainken, the 414th Darweesh school team leader who maintained oversight during the schools' renovation, alld Sgt. Louis Polsinelli. a team leader with the 414th who also was a member of the team that helped orchestrate the school's restoration, were among the Soldiers honored during the opening celebration.
"When we first started driving through the area, people ortenlVould throw rocks at us." said Polsinelli. "Now, however, after having opened a few schools and demonstrating some real progress, people want to come up and talk to us. They want to interact with liS. I think aliI' work has had a tremendous impact on the attitudes of the Iraqi people."
According to Col. Vincent Taylor. commander of the 354th Civil Affairs Brigade. an Army R8servc unit
rrom Ri verdale, Maryland, it's teams like the 4 14th that make the reconstruction efforts possible.

"However, doing assessments, making funding proposals, contacting contractors, taking bids. and overseeing progress 011 renovation and construction efforts are not the only tasks under the purview of civil affairs tcsms like the 414th:' said Taylor. "They also must act as liaisons with the Iraqi people, bridging any cultural and social gaps that stand in the way of progress."
"When a civi I alTa irs team like the 414th accompl ishes someth ing I ike they ha I'e lecom pi isheel here at
Darweesh, they are not only refurbishing aschool structure. The) arc building. bridges to the future oflraq."
added Taylor.

"The hearts and minds involved in this project are infinitely more inlportalll than the school buildings
themselves," said Ainken. "Every child at this school will remember coalition Soldiers being here ,1Ild
helping them with their schools. They will remember that American Soldiers werc here when the) raised
their flag Oil opcning day"

INTRODUCING HEALTH CARE MANAGEMENT TO THE NEW IRAQ
Recently, a physicians' leadership IVol'kshop was held jorlocallraqi doctors ami other health care professionals at the Iraqi FOI'um in Baghdad. Led by Capt. Caloline Pogge. a civil a1lairs officer with the 411th Civil Affairs Battalion, an Army Reserve unit fl'olll Danbury. Connecticut. 28 students, including doctors. pharmacists and representatives from the Iraqi IVlinistl'Y' of HeEllth were in attendElnce.
The intent of the workshop was to give Iraqi physicians a basic course ill health care 1ll8nsgelllcllt-· a topic that rarely has been emphasized in the country's health care education according to rogge. flll Army Reserve Soldier who works as a hospital administrator in Sayre. Pennsylvania. in her civilian life.
DELIVERING SUPPLIES TO CAR BOMBING VICTD1S
Much needed help was delivered to innocent victillls ora recent terrorist attack in Baghdad. Meillbers ortlle 422nd Civil Affairs Battalion, an Army ResenT unit fi·om (jrcl::nsbol"O. North Carolina. coordinated with the Iraqi Ministry of Labor and Social Services to delil'eI' food, bla:lkets and clothing to resicients left homeless following a em bombing attack on the AI Shaab police station in the AI Adhallli) a arclI or Baghdad.
According to ,'vlai . .lack ]\!ales, a civil affairs ofJicer with the 422nd. rom homes. two shops alld the police stalion \"ine damaged and deemed unsuitable for habitation as a result urthe car bombing. Seven families were left honleless, while others experienced lootillg that seriously reduced the aillount ofthcir supplies The homeless f8milies now reside in an abandoned neighborhood advisor) council builciing located hehind the former police station.
"We have sevell families that are homeless as a result orthe attack." said Capt. Chuck Tinney. a civil affairs officer with the 422nd. ·'AII they have len is pretty much the clothes on their backs. They just happelled to be in the wl·ong place at the wrong lime."
According to Tinney, his unit would continue to try to provide as Illuch help as nccessul·Y to allow lht:
families to gel back 011 their feet.

"This is an ongoing project." added Tinney. "They sti II need mattresses. stoves and I'cfrigerators, as well as other support.'·
Tinney said the non-governmental organization. Premiere Emergence. plans to assess the damage and to
rebuild the homes tilat were destroyed,

·'Thankfully. no lives were lost.'· said Spc. Walter Christophel'. a civil affairs specialisl with the 42211d.
"When we are able to help people. it makes liS feel good. This is the good part ofouriob."

MAKING FRIENDS THROUGH THE NEWSPAPER
The 361st Psychological Operations Company (Taclical). an Army Reserve unill"rol1l BOlhcl1. Washillgton.
has come up with an invaluable tool for creating public awarelless of safely hazards. as wt:1I as 1'01'
disseminating information on what U.S. and coalition forces al'e doing in Iraq. Known as "Baghdad Now."
the newspaper is published monthly and distributed free to more than approximately 70.000 Jragi nationals.

"The paper discusses how we are interacting with the Iraqi governmenl during: this transitional period and.
together. how we are improving life in Baghdad." said Statr Sgt. Richardl( WilSall. tcam chief with the
361 st. "More importantly. il allows the people to knOll" what's going on so they can belter set: holY we are
making a differellce.'·

According to Wilson, handing out the newspapel·s also allows the Soldiers to keep theil· fingers 011 the pulse of the community.
"AllY time you give these people something, theil' defenses comc down. 1t's human nature," added Wilson. "We gain instant access to "Any time you give them and their feelings by giving them somethillg. They then arc more
these people
ready to help LIS spl'cad the messages expressed in the newspaper.·'
something, their
defenses come improve life in Baghdad, the psychological operations teall] hopes to down. It's human increase positive attitudes toward the coalition and put an end to antinature." coalition aggression.
By showing the Iragi people how the coalition forces are helping to "They were taught tile basics of shooting a lirearm. as well as how to put rounds dOlln range (lnci pray the)
hit the target," acicied Johnson.
According to police captain Salllillaci AI Hayani, Iraqi police rarely practiced with a \veapon in the past.
"Thel'e were no shooting anci no good pistols before," he saici.
Iraqi police rarely
Basics of marksmanship includeci such fundamentals as breath practiced with a
control. sight alignillent. and the proper way to squeeze the trigger. On weapon in the past.
the range. the Iraqi police participated in target shooting frolll three
distances, with the longest distance being 15 meters using Glock 19
Series pistols.

"The police officers really had no idea oftre weapolls' capabilities. and they haci IlO confidence in their own
abilities." saici Johnson. "It is gooci to see them gain Jl10 re conJidcllce. I expect they will becomc a morc
valuable asset as their weapons skills increase."
RENOVATING TWO PRIMARY SCHOOLS
School chilciren in gracies I through 6 recently returneci to two newly renovateci primary schools in the Abu
Ghraib area of western Baghdad. A tealll from the 490th Civil Aifail's Battalion. all Army Reserve unit 1'1'0111
Abilene, Texas, managecithe renovations anci repairs at the t\.\."O schools. Ruqia Primary School ,\[lci al-Fayda
Primary Schoo I.
Capt. Thane Thompson, a team chieffor the 490th who hails from Monterey. California. was the ortict;r in
charge of the project.
';The coalition is doing a lot of positive restoration work. anci the vast majority of Iraqis that we deal with ,He
extremely appreciative." said Thompson.
More than $80.000 was spent on the repairs and renovations at the two schools. The Ruqia school pro.iect
cost $34,000, while the al-Fayda school project cost $46.000. The funciing was provicieci by the 354th Civil
Affairs Brigacie, an Army Reserve unit baseci in Riverdale. Marylanci. anci came from the Commanders'
Emergency ReliefFunds.
[mmeciiately following the main combat phase oCthe war. both schools were completely looteci. All of the furniture and equipment haci been stolen. anci even the cioors and winciows. as well as all light /ixtul·cs. wiring anci switches. were removeci and taken elsewhere. All that \Vas left \Vere the walls i:lnd the roofs. So the schools were unusable until the Army Reserve arriveci.
"My team coorciinateci the project from start to finish. We conciucteci the initial assessments defining the
scope orwork. found cOntractors to help with cost estimates. prepared the funding proposals and got the
funciing approveci, and contracted with local construction companies to do the work," said Thompson.
"We also ciici quality control inspections every couple ofcia)'s i:lnd paicithe cOlltri:lctol'S for their work." he
acided.
In both cases. the work included masonry. grouncis mainteni:lnce. windo\\s and glass replacclllt;nt. interior
finishing. anci plumbing and electricity.
The cOll1mandel' of the 4 90th Civil Affairs Battalion. Lt. Col. Donna I-linton. cut the ribbon at the grand opening of the Ruqia School. stating: "This is a happy cia)' for ever) one. The chilciren are happy to have a gooci school to go to, the school staffare extremely appreciative. and the Solciiers are satisfied that they have accomplished a great work."

HAVING A BEAR OF A TIME
Altbough most Army Reserve Soldiers in Iraq carry assault I'ilks or Illachines guns. a tranquilizer gun has become the weapon of choice for severall11el11bers oflhe 352:1ci Ci"il Allairs COI11I111I1(1. an AI'I11Y Reserve unit frol11 Riverdale, Maryland, as they work to bring aboull11ajor overhauls oflhc Baghdad Zoo. also known as the Zawra Zoo. Sadir. a 32 year old female brown bear ttthe 700. alre(Jdy has benefitcd grea11y frol11 the presence oflhese Soldiers. Recen1ly. th"y surgically removed a cancerous 1Ul11or 1'1'0111 hel' abdomen.
"The tumor was becoming infected. so we had to anesthetize 'leI' with i;l dan gun bcf0rc making some incisions and removing the diseased tissue." said Col. ~·1ark Gan1s. C.ITF-7 ve1crinariall. "Thcl'c wcre a few blood vessels in there that we had to tie offin orclu to get the bleeding stopped before closing hcr up again."
Gants, \.\'ho was head surgeon on the project. was assisted by Spc. Erin l'vlcLoughliI1. a vcterinary technician with the n"d Medical Detachment. and Ll. Col Jose Lozada. a \'eterinarian with the 352nd Civil Affairs Command.
Opemling on-site in Sadir's enclosure at the Zoo. the team prepared th" bem 1'01' surgery. After anesthesia Ivas administered, McLoughlin and one of the Zoo's Iraqi starrmeillbers shaved the fUI' surrounding the site of the tumor. Galli then made the necessary incisiolls to remove the tumor whole.
The real challenge, however, began after the malignant mass was
... the main motivation
removed. The blood vessels that wel'e cut in order to extract the
tumor were filling the wound with blood. And, in the time that it behind the U.S. Army's
took to stop the bleeding. the tranquilizer began to wear otT.

involvement at the Zoo
Consequently, the team had to move extremely quickly to suture the
is to train local staff and
incision, clean up and get out ofthe cage. Fortunately for the team.
veterinarians to assume
they \Vere able to exit the enclosure before Sadir regained full
full responsibility for
consc iou sness.
the facilities once the
According to Lozada, the main motivation behind the U.S, Army's Soldiers are gone.
involvem ent at the Zoo is to trai n local staff and veterinarians to
aSSLlllle full responsibility for the facilities once the Soldiers are gone.

"The veterinarians in Iraq are victims of professional isolation. In addition. they have been sorely neglected like most other resources in this nation." said Lozada. "Our hope is that. by involl'ing Zoo staff nlcillbers and veterinarians in surgical procedures and vaccination processes. they quickly will regain control over this invaluable facility and its inhabitants."
TR\INING IRAQI POLICE AT WEAPONS RANGE
lmqi police officers had a chance to hone their skills recently on a live-lire "1 capons range with the help of' Soldiers from the 382nd Military Police Detachment. an Arl11Y Reserve Llllit fl'O!l1 San Diego. California. assigned to the 18th Mi litary Po lice Brigade. The weapons rraini Ilg II as pal'! 0 f 11 three-wee k wurst ea lied the "Jragi Police Integration Program." designed to te8ch existing Iraqi police of'liccrs basic wC8pons fundamentals and tactics.
"The training will make them more effective as police orticers." said Cpl. Kenneth .IoI1l1$on. a military policeman with the 382nd and the weapons range noncoillmissioned ofiicer in charge of the training. "Many ofthelll have never even fired a weapon."
According to .lohnson. the training consisted oft\lo days of classroom training Oil the safe Lise ofweapolls. as well as four days of actual training on the weapons range. On the final dZl) oi'training. the police oniccr~ received their I\·capons qual i ficatio n.
Update on Operation
IRAQI FREEDOM

From Army Reserve Magazine, Volume 49, i'/umber"
Accordillg to ,Air FOI'ce Gen, Richard B, M),ers, Army Reserve Soldiers eire doing nactl)" what they we:'e designed to do, and America is grateful for their service, Speaking I'ceently bei()rc the Reserve Orlieers Association !\'iid-Winter Conference, Myers notedthm Arm)' Reservc Soldiers hilve become so seamlessl), integrated illtO the total force that it is vinually impossible to tell an Army Reserve Soldier rrom iln 8ctive service member. Equally important. he noted that Americilneeds its Army Reserve Soldic:rs if this cDuntl'y is to win the lVar on terror,
In discussing how seamlessly the Army Reserve has integrated into the total rorcc, )I.,i),ers cited an accollnt by a lllcmbel' of a III ixed Army Reserve and active duty C-J 7 Globcmaster I JI CICW after iJ harrowing c,\pcrience in Iraq. After taking offfi'om Baghdad International Airpon. one ol'the plane's engines was hit by a surlaceto-air missile. forcing an emergency landing, According to the pilot orthe plClnt. the lives orall of the pelJple on that plane were saved because orthe high level of coordination 21l1d coml1lunication betll cen all members of the total {c)rce.
"I never forget that our Army Reserve Soldiers are a treasure dnd an important advantage to this great country," said Myers, noting that Army Reserve Soldiers remain absolutely essential to Operation Iraq Freedom, "Reserve service has a long history in America. and today is no different." hc continued, "In timcs of need, when our country needs them the most, Army Resel'\'c Soldiers lock arms to form an unbrcskable. lll1beatable team -ded'icated to defending the liberties we: all cherish and to supporting the people who are struggling to enjoy that same freedom,"
Here are some of their stories,
HELPING SADDAM LOSE FACE
Until recently. most Iraqis were torced to carry a reminder of Sad dam Hussein in their pockets. A picture of his face appeared on all printed Iraqi money. However, all of that has changed now that the Central Bank of Iraq has issued a "new" dinar.
AccOl'ding to Capt. Mal'k St. Laurent. brigade action officer for the Iraqi currency exchange program 211ld a
civil affairs officer with the 354th Civil Affairs Brigade, an Arlll)' Reserve unit fmlll Riverdale. Maryland.
the introduction orthe nelV dinar is a signjjjcant step in Iraq's 1110l'e away from the former regime,

"Replacing the Saddam dinar signals the end of the old regime. No longer \~ill he be: viewed as an cverydsy
figure." said S!. Laurent. "It also helps reinforce the legitimilcy of the Ilew government and the Central
Bank's control of tile economy,"

Consistent with the shift toward a new govel'llillellt in Iraq run by
"Replacing the Saddam
the Iraqi people, conlition forces are playing only a minor role in (
the currency exchange program, They are providing security only dinar signals the end of
when needed at exchange sites to protect the safety or Ihe citizens the old regime."
and to enSlll'e the proper distribution orthe money,

The new dinar. which is printed on higher quality paper alld cont8ins several security devices. such as a
watermark. embedded security strip and textured ink. will unify the currellcy across Iraq, People can
exchange their old Saddalll dinars for the new ones at a one-to-one rate. J-Jowever. the fDrmer national
dinar. known as the "Swiss dinar," which is used mainly in the north of Iraq. is 1V0rth 150 new dinars,

"This is good for the people of II'aq," said Dr. Mohamed Jasim. IIho rcctl1lly exchanged his moncy at the
Adamiilya Commercial Bank of Iraq. ·'It is a symbol of moving forward,"

Pg 1 Pg 8 Pg16
A Company-Grade Guide to Strategic Deployability in the Light Artillery World
by 1LTAssian Sayyar Pg 20
-The'Detainee Personal Identification Data Collection Process in Afghanistan
by CPT Richard Hugh bank. and MAJ Jennifer CUrlY Pg24
Wake Up and Smell-There's Something Wron-g! by Mr, Dan French Pg 26
Contractors on the Battlefield -Plan Now or Pay Later by MAJ Sam Hamontree Pg30
Civil Affairs -Respect and Mission Accomplishment -OEF by SSG Franklin Peterson Pg34

The Contemporary Role of Children as Combatants
by Mr. Ralph D. Nichols, Military Analyst, Center for Army Lessons Learned (CALL)
it!'\ In the contemporary operational environment (COE), many different
scenarios and asymmetrical threats challenge U, S. forces. One of the situations that our troops may face in the near future, and have certainly faced in the past, is how to deal with children as potential combatants. Many anecdotal and verifiable reports of children soldiers (defined as under the age of 18 years old, and as young as 5 or 6 years old) confronted and confounded U.S. troops during the Vietnam conflict in the decade of the 19605 and first half of the 1970s. Vietnamese children served as sources for human intell igence for regular North Vietnamese fighting forces, and for the guerilla elements of the Viet Congo Some of these children were active combatants. In this capacity, they shouldered and fired in anger their Chinese-or Russian-procured AK-47 sub-automatic weapons against U,S, forces. Reports of children luring soldiers into ambushes, and even wiring themselves for detonation (booby-trapped explosives set off upon contact with U.S. troops) are well known. These events represent recent historical examples of U.S. forces facing children fighters, In 1993 our troops fought with rebel factions in the strcets of Mogadishu, Somalia (urban warfare), Many of these rebel forces were comprised in part with children. In the movie "Black Hawk Down" (patterned after the insightful book by Mark Bowden), a memorable, dramatic moment occurs when a U.S. soldier thrusts the door open to a house only to be confronted with a very young male
chi Id (under the age of 10 by appearance) thrusting a gun barrel at close distance against him. The soldier is faced with the immediate ethical dilemma of whether or not to attempt to kill someone trying to kill him, Only the "someone" is a small child,

CALL NFTF! SEP-OCT 02
Update on Operation
IRAQI FREEDOM

From Army Reserve Magazine, Volume 49, i'/umber 4
Accordillg to ,Air FOI'ce Gen. Richard B. Myers. Army Reserve Soldiers eire doing nactl), what they lVe:'c designed to do. and America is grateful for their service. Speaking reccntly bei"orc the Reserve Of"liccrs Association !\·1id-Winter Conference, Myers noted Ihm Arm)' Resent: Soldiers have become so seall1lessl)" integrated illto the total force Ihat it is virtually impossible to lell an Army Reserve Soldier from an 8clive service member. Equally important. he noted that Al11ericaneeds its Army Reserve Soldic:rs if this cDunll")' is to win the IVar on terror.
In discussing how seamlessly the Army Reserve has intc:grated into the total forcc. j\·1ycrs cited an aCCOllnl by a member ofa mixed Army Reserve and active duty C-I 7 Globel11aSler III CICW after u harrowing experience in Iraq. Afier laking offfi'om Baghdad International Airport. one ol'the plane's engines was hit by a surlaccto-ail' missile. forcing an emergency landing. According to the pilot of the plant:. the lives orall orthe people on that plane were saved because of the high level of co ordinati Oil and communication bel\\l:en alll11cl11bers of the lotal Il1rce.
"I never forget that our Army Reserve Soldiers are a treasure and an important advantage to this great country." said Myers, noting that Army Reserve Soldiers remain absolutely essential to Operation Iraq Freedom. "Reserve service has a long history in America. and today is 110 different." he continued. "In times of need, when our country needs them the most, Army Reser\'c Soldiers lock arms to form an unbreakable. unbeatable team -dedicated to defending the liberties we: all cherish and to supporting the people who are struggling to enjoy that same freedom."
Here are some of their stories.
HELPING SADDAM LOSE FACE
Until recently. most Iraqis were forced to carry a reminder of Sad dam Hussein in their pockets. A picture of
his face appeared on all printed Iraqi money. However. all orthat has changed now that thc Centrall3ank of
Iraq has issued a "new" dinar.

Accol'ding 10 Capt. Mal'k St. Laurent. brigade action ofticer for the Iraqi currency exchange program and a
civil affairs ot1lcer with the 354th Civil Affairs Brigade, an Arm)' Reserve unit fl'Om Riverdale. Maryland.
the il1lroduction orthe nelV dinar is a signiJicant step in Iraq's movc away from the former regime.

"Replacing the Saddam dinar signals the end of the old regime. No longer will he be viewed as an everyday
figure," said St. Laurent. "It also helps reinforcc the legilimacy or the 11ew gOl'ernmcJ1l and the Central
Bank's control orthe economy."

Consistent with the shift toward a new government in Iraq run by
"Replacing the Saddam
the Iraqi people, coalition forces are playing only a minor role in (
the currency exchange program. They are providing security only dinar signals the end of
when needed at exchange sites to protect the safety or the citizens the old regime."
and to enSlll'e the proper distribution ofthe money.

The new dinar. which is printed on higher quality paper and contains several security devices. slich as a
watermark. embedded security strip and textured ink. will unify the currellcy across Iraq. People can
exchange their old Saddam dinars for the new ones at a one-to-one rale. J-Iowever. the former national
dinar. known as the "Swiss dinar," which is lIsed mainly in the north of Iraq, is 1V0rth 150 new dinars.

"This is good for the people ofIraq."said Dr. Mohamed Jasim. IIho recenlly exchanged his l110ncy at the
Adamihya COl11mercial Bank ofIraq. "It is a symbol of moving forward."

HAVING A BEAR OF A TIME
Although most Army Reserve Soldiers in Iraq carry assault I'ilks or machines guns. a tranquilizer gun has become the weapon of choice for severalmemhers orlhe 352:1d Ci\'il Affairs Commlnc1. an Al'IllY Reserve unit frolll Riverdale, Maryland, as they work to bring aboull11ajor overhauls o1'thc Baghdad Zoo. also known as the Zawra Zoo. Sadir. a 32 year old female brown bear at the 700. alrc(Jdy has benefited greatly from the presence of these Soldiers. Recently. th"y surgically removecJ a cancerous tumo! i'rom hel' abdomen.
"The tUlllor was becoming infected. so we had to anesthetize 'ler with i;l clart gUll bcf0rc making some incisions and removing the diseased tissue," said Col. ~·1ark Gants. C.lTF-7 I'ctcrinariall. "ThCl'e were a few blood vessels in there that we had to lie offin orcb to get the bleeding stopped before closing hcr uJl8gain."
Gallls, \.\'ho was head surgeon on the pro.ject. was assisted by Spc. Erin l'vlcLolighlill. a veterinary technician with the n"d Medical Detachment. and Lt. Col Jose Lozada. a I'eterinarian with the 352nd Civil Affairs Command.
Operaling on-sile in Sadir's enclosure at the Zoo. the leam prepared the beal' 1'01' sLII'gery. After anesthesia \\·as administered, McLoughlin and o.ne oflhe Zoo's Iraqi staff members shaved the fUI' surrounding the site of the tumo.l·. Galllthen made the necessary incisiolls to remove the tumor whole.
The real challenge, however, began after the malignant mass was
removed. The bloo.d vessels that wel'e cut in order to extract the '" the main motivation
tumor were filling the wo.und with blood. And, in the time that it behind the U.S. Army's
took to sto.p the bleeding. the tranquilizer began to wearot'!'.

involvement at the Zoo
Consequently, the team hsd to move extremely quickly to suture the
is to train local staff and
incision, clean up and get out ofthe cage. Fortunately for lhe team.
veterinarians to assume
they were able to exit the enclosure before Sadir regained full
co.nsciousness. full responsibility for

the facilities once the
According to Lozada, the main mo.tivation behind the U.S. Army's
Soldiers are gone.
involvement at the Zoo. is to. train local staff and veterinarians to.
assume full respo.nsibility for the facilities once the Soldiers are go.ne.

"The veterinarians inlrnq are victims o.fpro.fessional iso.lation.ln additio.n. the)' have been sorely neglected like mo.st other resources in this nation." said Lozada. "Our hope is that. by involving Zoo staff members and veterinarians in surgical procedures and vaccination processes. they quickly will regain control over this invaluable facility and its inhabitants."
TR\INING IRAQI POLICE AT WEAPONS RANGE
Iraqi police o.fficers had a chance to. hone their skills recently on a live-tire \\capo.ns range with the help of Soldiers hom the 382nd Military Police Detachment. all Army Reserve unit Ii·o.m San Diego. Calitornia. aSSigned to the 18th Military Police Brigade. The weapons training \\ as part of a three-week course called the "Iraqi Police Integration Program." designed to teach existing Iraqi police o.fliccrs basic weapons funciamcnl81s and tactics.
"The training will make thell1mo.re effective as police orticers." said Cpl. Kennelh .Io.11I150n, a military policeman with the 382nd and the weapons range noncommissioned officer in charge orlhe training. "Many o.fthcm have never even tired a weapon."
According to Johnson. the training consisted oft\\o days o.fclassroomlraining on the sai'e Lise of'weapons. as well as fo.ur days of actual training on the weapons range. On the tinal day oi'training. the police ()(jiccr~ received their weapons qualification.
"They were taught the basics of shooting a lirearm. as well as how to put rounds dOlln range (Inc! pray thc) hit the target," added Johnson.
According to police captain Sall1mad AI Hayani. Iraqi police rarely practiced with a \I'eapon in the past.
"Thet'e were no shooting and no good pistols before," he said.
Iraqi police rarely
Basics of marksmanship included SLich fundamentals as breath practiced with a
control. sight alignment. and the proper way to squeeze the trigger. On weapon in the past.
the range. the Iraqi police participated in target shooting from three
distances. with the longest distance being 15 meters using Glock 19
Series pistols.

"The police officers really had no idea oftre weapons' capabilities. and lhey had no confidence in their own abilities." said Johnson. "It is good to see them gain 1110 re conlidcnce. I expect they will become a more valuable asset as their weapons skills increase."
RENOVA TING TWO PRIMARY SCHOOLS
School children in grades I through 6 recently returned to two ne\\'ly renovated primary schools in the Abu Ghraib area of western Baghdad. A team from the 490th Civil Affairs Bi:lttalion. an Army Reserve unit li'om Abilene, Texas, managed the renovations and repairs at the two schools. Ruqia Primary School [Itld al-Fayda Primary Schoo I.
Capt. Thane Thompson. a team chieffoI' the 490th \'\'ho hails from Monterey. California. was the orticcr in charge of the pro.ject.
"The coalition is doing a lot of positive restoration work. and the vast majority of Iraqis that we deal with i:lre extremely appreciative." said Thompson.
More than $80.000 was spent on the repairs and renovations at the tll'O schools. The Ruqia school project
cost $34,000. while the al-Fayda school project cost $46.000. The funding was provided by the 354th Civil
Affairs Brigade. an Army Reserve unit based in Riverdale. Maryland. and came from the Commanders'
Emergency ReliefFunds.

immediately following the main combat phase orlhe war. both schools were cOlllpletely looted. All of the furniture and equipment had been stolen. and even the doors and windows. as well as all light fixtures. wiring and switches. were removed and taken elsewhere. All that was left \Verc the walls ancl the roofs. So the schools were unusable until the Army Reserve arrived.
"My team coordinated the project from start to finish. We conducted the initial asseSSments defining the
scope of work. found contractors to help with cost estimates. prepared the funding proposals and got the
funding approved. and contracted with local construction companies to do the work." said Thompson.

"We also did quality control inspections every couple of days and paid the contt'UctOt'S for their work." he added.
In both cases. the work included masonry. grounds maintenance. windoll's and glass replacement. inlerior finishing. and plumbing and electricity.
The commander of the 4 90th Civil Affairs Battalion. LL Col. Donna I-linton. clitthe ribbon at the grand opening of the Ruqia School. stating: "This is a happy day for evet') one. The children are happy to have a good school to go to., the school staff' are extremely appreciative. and the Soldiers are satisfied that they have accomplished a great work."
DELIVERING SUPPLIES TO CAR BOMBING VICTD1S
Much needed help was delivered to innocent victims ora recent terrorist attack in Baghdad. Members ortlle 422nd Civil Affairs Battalion, an Army ResenT unit Cram (jrci::nsbol·o. North Carolina. coordinated with the Iraqi Ministry of Labor and Social Services to deliveI' food, bla:lkets and clothing to residents left homeless following a car bOlTlbing attack on the AI Shaab police station in the AI Adhami) a arclI or Baghdad.
According to ,'vlaj . .lack ]\!ales, a civil affairs ofiicer with the 422nd. rour home:;. two shops and the police stalion \VeI'e damaged and deemed ullsuitable for habitation as a result urthe car bombing. Seven ramilies were left homeless, while others experienced lootillg that seriously reduced the amount ofthcir supplics The homeless f8milics now reside in an abandoned neighborhood adyiol") council building located behind the former police station.
"We have sevell families that are homeless as a result of the attack." said Capt. Chuck Tinney. a civil affairs officer with the 422nd. "All they have left is pretty much the clothes on their backs. They jllst happened to be in the wl"Ong place at the wrong lime."
According to Tinney, his unit would continue to try to provide as much help as neceSS81·Y to allow the
families to get back on their feet.

"This is an ongoing project." added Tinney. "They still need matlresses. stoves and refrigerators. as well as other support.'·
Tinney said the non-governmental organization. Premiere Emergence. plans to assess the damage and to
rebuild the homes that were destroyed,

·'Thankfully. no lives were los!." said Spc. Walter Christophel'. a civil affairs specialist with the 422nd.
"When we are able to help people. it makes LIS feel good. This is the good part of ourjob."

MAKING FRIENDS THROUGH THE NEWSPAPER
The 361st Psychological Operations Company (Tactical). an Army Reserve unitl"rolll Bothell. Washington.
has come LIp with an invaluable tool for creating public awareness of'safety hazards. as well as ror
disseminating information on what U.S. and coalition forces al'e doing in Iraq. Known as "Baghdad Now."
the newspaper is published monthly and distributed fi'ee to more than approximately 70.000 Jraqi nationals.

"The paper discusses how we are interacting with the Iraqi government during this transitional period and.
together. how we are improving life in Baghdad." said Staff. Sgl. Richard J( Wilsall. tcam chief with the
361 S1. "More importantly. it allows the people to know what's going on so they can beller see holY we are
making a difference."

According to Wilson, handing out the newspapers also allows the Soldiers to keep theil· fingers 011 the pulse of the community.
"Any time you give these people something, theil' defenses come down. It's human nature," added Wilson. "We gain instant access to "Any time you give them and their feelings by giving them something. They then arc more
these people
ready to help LIS spread the messages expressed in the newspaper.·'
something, their
defenses come improve life in Baghdad, the psychological operations team hopes to down. It's human increase positive attitudes toward the coalition and put an end to antiBy showing the Iraqi people how the coalition forces are helping to
nature."
coalition aggression.
Through facc-to-face encounters, the ps),chologic,d operations team also is larming ties with cOlllmunity leaders, such as religious ieadel's, medical practitioners and professors, \\ho art helping to spread a more positi ve message.
"It is extremely important that we gain the support ot'these key COllllllunicalOrs. So far. we've built strong, solid relations within the community," said Wilson, "More and lllore, \H are finding that they arc coming forward to speak on our behal f."
GOING BACK TO SCHOOL
For l11any school-age children in Baghdad, school has been out since the beginning of Operation Iraqi Freedom. However, for Iraqi children who used to attend the Darweesh school in the westcrn Abu Cihraib province of Baghdad, school is now back in session thanks to the efforts orthe Soldiers orthe 414th Civil Affairs Battalion, an Army Reserve unit from Utica, J'.:ew York.
Recently, more than 500 children lincd up along the sides orthe Darwcesh school courtyard to welcome the ll1embers of the 414th during a ribbon cutting ceremony designed to mark the ofiicial reopening orthe school.
Both Spc, Maynard Ainken, the 414th Darweesh school team leader who nlaintained oversight during the schools' renovation, and Sgt. Louis Polsinelli. a team leader with the 414th who also \\'as a member of the team that helped orchestrate the school's restoration, were among the Soldiers honored during the opening celebration,
"When we first started driving through the area, people often would throw rocks at us." said Polsinelli. "Now, however, after having opened a few schools and demonstrating some real progress, people want to cOllle up and talk to us, They want to interact with us. I think Ollr 1V0rk has had a tremendous impact on the attitudes of the Iraqi people,"
According to Col. Vincent Taylor. commander of the 354th Civil Affairs Brigade, an Army Reserve unit
from Riverdale, Maryland, it's teams like the 414th that make the reconstruction efforts possihle.

"However, doing assessments, making funding proposals, contacting contractors. taking bids, and overseeing progress on renovation and construction efforts are not the only tasks under the purview of civil affairs teams like the 414th." said Taylor. "They also must act as liaisons with the Iraqi people. bridging any cultural and social gaps that stand in the way of progl'ess."
"When a civil affairs team like the 414th accomplishes something like they have accomplisheci here at
Darweesh, they are not only refurbishing a school structure. The) arc building bridges to the future ofJraq,"
added Taylor,

"The hearts and minds involved in this project are infinitely more importallt than the school buildings themselves," said Ainken, "Every child at this school will remember coalition Soldiers being here and helping them \vith their schools. They will remember that American Soldiers were here when the) raised their flag on opening day"
INTRODUCING HEALTH CARE MANAGEMENT TO THE NEW IRAQ
Recently, a physicians' leadership workshop was held for local Iraqi doctors and other health care
professionals at the Iraqi FOI'um in Baghdad. Led by Capt. Camline Pogge, a civil allairs officer with the 411 th Civil Affairs Battalion. an Army Reserve unit fl'ol11 Danbury. Connecticut. 28 students, including doctors. pharmacists and representatives from the Iraqi IVlinistl)' of Health were in attendance.
The intent of the workshop was to give Iraqi physiCians a basic course in health care manageillent-· a topic that rarely has been emphasized in the country's health care education according to rogge, an Army Reserve Soldier who works as a hospital administrator in Sayre. Pennsylvania, in her civilian life.
"What we've found here is that many ofthe physicians in charge oflrClq's clinics or hospitals have little or no basic management skills," said Pogge. "This is something we are trying ~o correct \\'ith the loud physicians in communities around Baghdad."
Previously. Pogge had met several of the doctors attending the workshop. Many caille frolll clinics qnd
hospitals ill eastern Baghdad where the 411th works in the 2nd Armored Cavalry Regimcnt's area of
operations.

The cOUl'se was based on one that Pogge took at the Ullivcrsity of Kentuck) as part uJher trailling ill the United States. An eight-day crash course. it is broken into several cOUl'ses 011 leadership, decision Illclking. human resources, resource allocation. and project Illanagement. all of'which emphasize group work. case studies and hands on learning.
According to Pogge, working on problems in groups is probably one oi'thc most il11purlrllll pmts of the
course.

"Management doesn't have to be autocratic." said Pogge. who hopes Iraq's Minist!'} ul'Hcalth will adopt the course for use ill the future with more physicians throughout Iraq. "It ol'tcn is helpful to consult with your staff and to bring them into the process. This is one ofthillgs we are trying to teach the health care pro f'cssiona Is atlcndi ng this course."
According to Pogge, the experience has been extremel), rewarding.
··It's exciting to go home with a sense of accomplishment-a sense of having helped the local medical community 1l1ake a smoother transition." said Pogge. "That's what civil affairs illlhe lllilital·Y is all aboutaccomplishment. ,.
MOVING PASSENGERS THROUGH AREA 51
The Army has begun operations at a new air passenger terminal ill Kuwait. with lhe gual of transporting
hundreds of Soldiers daily to destinations within the Operation Iraqi Freedom theater.

"Soldiers will be traveling by intra-theater airplane into and out of Iraq." said Maj. Vi\ian Gaz. onicer in
charge of the 319111 Movement Colltrol Team. an Army Reserve unit from Dover. Delaware. responsible for
operations at the terminal.

The terminal is composed of several tents. which are being used as passenger holding areas. and a parkillg lot and turn-around area for buses dropping ofland picking up passengtl's.
"The plan is for Soldiers to be here only about three hours tops." adde:d Gaz. "We: will have MREs (tvleals
Ready to Eat) and \~atel' here. Soldiers should have their last hot meal at their departing camps."

To keep operations as efficient as possible, plans call for using only a single type of tactical aircrati. All of lhe planes will be configured to carry the same Iluillberofpassengers, as well as two baggage pellets.
The terminal is anticipated to ease some oCthe congestion at the Illilitary "The plan is for APO (airport point of debarkation) in Kuwait. l'vlost travellhrough the
Soldiers to be here
new term inal will be work-related. meaning rest and recuperative tl'avel
only about three
,,viii not be processed through the teJ"minal. And the terillinal will sen·iec four airiields-Baghdad Intem3tional Airport. Ralad. Moslii. and al hours tops." Asad.
A small permanent part)' of Army Soldiers \Viii be stationed at the tet'J11inal. dubbed ··Area 51 ,. alier the locale in Nevada that UFO fantasists theorize is an extraterrestrial stomping groulld. Soldiers to be here hours tops"
DELIVERING THE GOODS
The 358th Civil Affairs Team A (CAT-A), an Army Reserve LJnit ['I'om Norristown. Pennsylvania. rruvicics direct support to the Iv1ulti-National Division-South East (MND-SE) while assigned to Cumbinccl.loint Task Force 7 (CHF-7) in support ofOperatiol1 Iraqi FreedOI11. The CAT-A is heaciquartered in Sanwwah, Iraq, and coordinates humanitarian assistance activities in close coordination with the Coalition Pruvisional Authority (CPA), U.S. Agency for International Development (USAJD:I, and the Iraq and Kuwait
'Humanitarian Orerations Center (HOC).
The responsibi I ities orthe CA T-A include provid ing civi I III i I itary stall ([LlgI1ll:I1lQtion and ci vii alTai rs
planning and assessment support to maneuver cOl1lmanders: providing lingUistic, regiol1Cll Elnd cultul'al
expertise to support cOl11manders; iclcntilying and facilitating foreign nation support; minimizing civilian
interference with military operations; conducting area Sllldies and assessments in SLippOrt cd'civil ll1ilitary
operations; and conducting inter-agency liaison and operations when directed. Some projects the t~al1l is
involved in include the Rumaytha Sewage Project. Kamidia 1\,1cdical Supplies Project, the Cleaner and
Brighter Iraq Project, and the RUlllaytha Girl's Primary School Oeillal Class Project.
The Rurnaytha Sewage Project initially involved installation oi'gri:lvity drainage, which included installing sewage pipes and manholes, and connecting the pipes to. a sump pit. Also installed IVcre a sump pump. pressure line, and electrical backup generation S) steJ11. The project resulted in availability ofciealll:r drinking water, better sewage disposal. and an improved quality of life for the peaple ofRumaytha.
"I love this country, ancl J love helping these people:' said Sgt. J st Class Thomas D. Bucci, the 35Sth CAT
A's noncammissioned officer in charge and supervisor of the Rumaytha Sc;wage Project. who is proficient in
the local language,
Sgt. SCOll Bal11bu, a civil affairs specialist assigned to the 35811\ CAT-A also is pl'Oud of his contributions in
Iraq, He served as pl'Oject coordinator for th,e Kamidia Medical Supplies Project. which was designed to help replenish medical supplies, equipment andll1edicatians in and around the Mlithanna Gov~rnatt::. According to Bambu, the Kamidia Medical Supplies Facility has played a vital role in supplying essential items to thosc medical facilities and hospitals most in need.
"1 am delighted to be in a position to make a difference:' said 8ambu
The Cleaner and Brighter Il'3q Project was designed to temporarily employ up to 100,000 II'aqi citizens to clean up J J communities throughout the MUlhanna Govemate. including the cities of Sam8wah, Khider, Ramaytha, and Salman. Maj. Kelly Thrasher. 358th CAT-A team leadcr, managed the project. working \·vith the Iraqi Ministry of Public \}/orks to assist them in achieving their employment and cOl1lmunity clean up goals.
"This project has been very popular \',ith the Iraqis because it cmplo)s so many people," said Thrasher. "It's
great to see the II'aqi people helping themselves."
The Rumaytha Girl's Primary School Dental Class Project invol\ed the "The Samawah
issuance of700 toothbrushes and tubes oJ'toothpaste provided by the 358th CA T-.'\, follawed by training in proper dental care. CAT-A is one of the finest
CoL Robert P"Stall, commander of the 358th Civil Affairs Brigade, ITcel1tly special
visited his Samawah CAT-A stating, "The Samawah CAT-A is one orthe operations
tinest special operations teams I have operating in Iraq. Everyone of 111)' teams I have
Soldiers is caordinating. supervising and managing several humanitarian assistance project simultaneously. I'm proud of the great work they are doing operating in
in helping the Iraqi people in service to our Gountry." Iraq."

ARMY RESERVE
Generals At Odds Over Abuse At Prison
Washington Times
May 26, 2004
Rowan Scarborough
An Army investigation and congressional hearings have spotlighted a series of
conflicting statements about Iraqi prisoner abuse between the top brass and the general
who once ran Abu Ghraib prison and who v,:as stripped this week of her brigade
command.
Some military advocates say Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski received light punishment
because she is one of the Army's few female generals. Recommended for a reprimand,
she instead received a minor letter of admonishment.
At first, she kept her command of the 800th Military Police Brigade. But as pressure mounted from Congress to punish higher-ups -not just enlisted MPs at the prison -the Army this week temporarily reassigned her to a reserve unit at Fort Jackson, S.c.
The differences pitting Gen. Karpinski against superiors go to the heart of why the
infamous prison near Baghdad \-vas dysfunctional and why it became the venue for
continued physical and psychological abuse of Iraqi detainees by military police.
Gen. Karpinski, a reservist who lives in Hilton Head, S.c., and works as a business
consultant, says the scandal stemmed from a lack of manpower a1 Abu Ghraib and no
clear direction from the military command in Baghdad led by Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez.
She denies knowledge of any abusive behavior before the scandal broke.
But Maj. Gen. Antonio M. Taguba, who completed the first of several ongoing administrative investigations, lays some blame squarely at the feet of Gen.' Karpinski. His report says she did not act on recommendations from a series of fault-finding inquiries before the ill treatment began in October.
"Had the findings and recommendations contained \vithin their own investigations been
analyzed and actually implemented by Brig. Gen. Karpinski, many of the subsequent
escapes, accountability lapses and cases of abuse may have been prevented," Gen.
Taguba wrote.
Some pro-military persons have seized on the Abu Ghraib scandal as an example of a
"politically correct" military that does not want to punish a female general.
"I think they've been handling her with kid gloves," said Elaine Donnelly, who heads the Center for Military Readiness. "The fact that she is a woman general who portrayed herself as a victim may have had something to do with it."
On her suspension, Mrs. Donnelly said, "Frankly, I wonder why it has taken so long. She . was there before, during and after the worst of the abuse. I'm not convinced at al I by her argument she did not know."
William S. Lind, \vho directs the Center for Cultural Conservatism at the free Congress Foundation, writes in a column this week that, "The apparent breakdown in discipline among the MPs at Abu Ghraib may relate to the presence of 'vvomel1, and especially to the fact that the commander was a \\loman .... The climate of 'political correctness' (or, to give it its true name, cultural Marxism) that has infested and overwhelmed the American armed forces makes it almost impossible to discipline a woman -and risky for a man to attempt to do so."
Whatever the reason, one theme is clear: Abu Ghraib was a disaster waiting to happen.
Rules on uniforms were not enforced; soldiers wrote poems and other sayings on their
helmets; saluting of officers was not enforced. Records on inmates and escapes were
spotty. Regulations were not posted; no MP had heen trained adequately in detainee
operations.
"I have never seen a more dysfunctional command relationship in the history of me
looking at the military like that jail," Sen. Lindsey Graham, SOllth Carolina Republican,
told Gen. Sanchez at a Senate hearing last VI·eek.
"Sir," the three-star general responded, "It was dysfunctional before the 19th of
November."
His reference to that date was a message to his critics, incluJing Gen. Karpinski. She has blamed problems on the turnover of prison command from her 800th Brigade on that date to the 205th Military Intelligence Brigade. Some MPs accLlsed of misconduct contend they acted on orders from 205th officers. But most abuses occurred in October and early November prior to the 19th, according to Gen. Taguba.
The exchange was just one example of disputes of fact between the one-star general and
more senior officers:
·At the same hearing, Gen. Sanchez was asked about Gen. Karpinski's statements that she objected to the 205th taking over the jail. "Senator." Gen. Sanchez replied, "General Karpinski never talked to me about interference.... There was never a time where General Karpinski surfaced to me any objections to that tactical control ordeL"
-Gen. Karpinski has quoted Maj. Gen. Geoffrey Miller as saying he came to Iraq to "Gitmo-ize" Abu Ghraib. It was a reference to Gen. Jv1iller's tenure as the top jailer at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, where suspected terrorists from the Afghanistan war are being held.
Said Gen. Miller, "Senator, I did not tell General Karpinski I was going to 'Gitmo-ize' Abu Ghraib. I don't believe I have ever used that term ever."
Gen. Karpinski told Gen. Taguba that she paid regular visits to various detention centers.
But the Taguba reportstates, "The detailed calendar provided by her aide-de-camp does
not support her contention. Moreover, numerous \vitnesses stated that they rarely saw
Brig. Gen. Karpinski."
Asked by Sen. John McCain, Arizona Republican, to respond to Gen. Karpinski's
assertion she was excluded from certain sections of Abu Ghraib where the abuse
occurred, Gen. Taguba answered, "I disagree with that."
Gen. Karpinski could not be reached for comment this week. But in a previous interview, and in a written rebuttal to Gen. Taguba dated April 1, she vigorously defended her tenure as Iraq prison warden.
"The brigade suffered with diminishing personnel strength, without the benefit of a
personnel replacement system," she wrote. "We were successful in all missions, despite
numerous challenges and v-.:hile operating in a combat zone, because the brigade was
determined and committed to do so."
As to Gen. Taguba's comment that she was "extremely emotional" during her testimony to him, Gen. Karpinski wrote, "The comments describing my emotional demeanor during a portion of my interview are misconstrued. Any implication of soldiers or the unit failing will elicit a strong emotional response fro!~1 a caring and compassionate commander. The emotion was intense passion for my soldiers.
"Throughout my tenure in command I escorted hundreds of VIPs and media representatives through the numerous facilities the 8001h IV1ilitary Police Brigade secured. I consistently received rave reviews from all in attendance."
Gen. Karpinski, who took control of the penal system in Iraq on June 30, 2003, is now
back home in South Carolina. She has waged a spirited media campaign on cable TV
news channels to defend her record and to ,;vam she will not be scapegoat.
The Army granted her permission to talk as long as she does not appear in uniform and
does not disparage the Army.
Gen. Taguba recommended she be reprimanded and stripped of her command -a
career-ending move. Gen. Sanchez apparently overruled him, sticking by an admonishment issued in January.
Gen. Sanchez said at the Senate Armed Services Committee bearing that some of those already punished could face additional penalties. Gen. Karpinski's lawyer, Neal A. Puckett, said he does not think the statement applies to his client, who had no knowledge of the abuse until a soldier blew the whistle in January. .
A Pentagon official said Gen. Karpinski is not the subject of any criminal investigation
but is "still vulnerable to further administrative charges."
Prison Investigator's Army Experience Questioned
Washington Post
May 26, 2004
Walter Pincus
Maj. Gen. George R. Fay, who is leading the Army's ilWcstigation into the role of
military intelligence at Abu Ghraib prison and other detention facilities in Iraq, is an
insurance company executive who has been on active duty for five years.
Fay, the Army's deputy chief of staff for intelligence, was still listed as a managing
director ofthe Chubb Group ofInsurance Companies in its 2003 annual report. He was
selected March 31 to head the sensitive investigation into intelligence practices and
procedures in Iraq, and began work on April 23, said Lmvrence T. DiRita, the Defense
Department assistant secretary for public affairs.
Pentagon officials, lawmakers and others are looking to Fay to help answer a central
question in the Abu Ghraib prison scandal: whether the military intelligence soldiers
responsible for interrogating detainees directed or encouraged military police officers to
commit the abuse captured in photographs that have roiled the Arab V\:orld and damaged
U.S. credibility. Fay's probe into military intelligence follows the widely reported Army investigation by Maj. Gen. Antonio M. Taguba that focused primahly on the role of military police.
Two Pentagon officials and one public affairs officer in Iraq said yesterday they could not say who chose Fay to run the inquiry, but one Army official said the orders "were cut by" L1. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez, the commanding general in Iraq.
At Chubb, Fay was executive vice president for claims and operations worldwide when
he was activated in 1999. Originally commissioned through the Reserve Officers
Training Corp Program in 1970, he served four years on active duty as a
counterintelligence officer.
Fay worked for Chubb but had a series of Army reserve posts, primarily in the New York area, from 1974 until 1999, when he was activated and assigned as deputy coml11.anding general of the Army Intelligence and Security Command.
Once activated, as a colonel, he was quickly promoted, first to brigadier general in 2000 and last year to major general. In October, he became deputy chief of staff for intelligence at the Pentagon.
Fay has continued to make political contributions since he started active duty in 1999, some through the Chubb Corporation Political Action Committee (Chubbpac), according to public records. In 2000, he gave $500 to the campaign of Bob Franks, a New Jersey Republican running for the Senate; $1,000 to the 1\:ev,1 Jersey Republican State Committee; and $1,000 to Chubbpac. In 2001 he gave $2,500 to Chubbpac and in 2002 another $2,500, but made no similar donations in 2003, according to election records. In the years before he went on active duty, Fay gave smaller contributions to Chubbpac. In 1997, he contributed $1,500 to the New Jersey Republican Party. In 1990, he gave $1,000 to New Jersey Democrat Bill Bradley's Senate campaign.
Defense Department regulations permit political contributions by military personnel but it is unusual for them to go through a corporate political action committee.
Sen. John W. Warner (R-Va.), chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, said
yesterday he was unaware of Fay's background as a reservist and his political
contributions. "These are very hard facts and have to be considered," Warner said. He
added that "we don't have reason to question vvhether he will do other than an honorable
job."
Warner also said he expects Fay's review of the role of military intelligence to include
policies and decisions made not just in Iraq but also at the Pentagon. Fay, Warner said,
should look "into the intelligence chain of command, not only in Centcom [the military
command covering Iraq], but also back here in WaShington."
A Pentagon public affairs officer yesterday said Fay Vv'3S "on the road and not taking any
questions about his investigation."
Richard Kohn, professor ofmilitary history at the University ofNorth Carolina at Chapel Hill, said yesterday that Fay's limited experience as a reservist "does not inspire confidence in the investigation." He said the choice "is troubling. It raises the most basic question as to who chose him and why and what h1S tasking is."
At hearings before Warner's Senate committee on May II, Undersecretary of Defense for Intelligence Stephen A. Cambone said that Fay had conducted intervie\vs in Iraq and was going to Germany "to see people '0,'ho have since rotated from Iraq to Germany. And then will come back here to meet others. /I
Cambone, in answer to a question, said he expected that Fay would include the military
intelligence activities at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, in his ll1quiry. "If General Fay didn't
realize that was the subject of his investigation, sir, he is now painfully aware of it," he
said. .
Cambone could be one of those interviewed by Fay since he told Warner's committee that in August 2003 he encouraged Maj. Gen. Geoffrey D. Miller, then head of Guantanamo, to go to Iraq to determine hO\l-/ to get a better intelligence through interrogation of detainees. Among other things, Miller advised that military police help intelligence officers by setting conditions for interrogations.
It was after Miller's visit to Abu Ghraib and some of his suggestions \vere impJemented
that many of the questionable activities took place.
Head Of U.S. Prisons Is Off Active Duty And Loses Her Command
Reuters
May 25, 2004
Will Dunham
An American general in charge of U.S.-run prisons in Iraq \vhen the abuse of prisoners
took place has been suspended as commander of the mil i tary police brigade at the heart
of the scandal and removed from activc duty, the Army said ycsterday.
Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski, a Rahway, N.J., native who had commanded the 8001h
Military Police Brigade, was suspended from her du1ies, said Lt. Col Pamela Hart, an
Army spokes'vvoman at the Pentagon.
Karpinski previously was formally admonished on Jan. 17 by Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez,
the top U.S. commander in Iraq.
The Anny returned Karpinski yesterday to the Army Resen'e from active-duty status,
said Al Schilf, an Army Reserve spokesman. In addition, Karpinski no longer serves as
commander of her Uniondale, N. Y.-based brigade, and was "temporarily attached" to the
U.S. Army Readiness Command at Fort Jackson, S.c., Schilfsaid. The Army was
seeking an "acting commander" of the brigade, Schilf said.

Karpinski currently lives in Hilton Head, S.c.
Karpinski told the Washington Post she was notified in an e-mail yesterday of her
suspension but has not yet been given a formal explanation.
"You'd think somebody would pick up the phone and call me," she said, lashing out at the Army hierarchy. "That should have been the protocol courtesy. I am a general officer. Nobody could spend the 25 cents to call me?"
Seven U.S. soldiers have been charged with abusing Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib on the
outskirts of Baghdad. Army Maj. Gen. Antonio Taguba's report on the abuse faulted
Karpinski's "poor leadership." Photographs show U.S. soldiers physicalJy and sexually
abusing and humiliating prisoners.
Asked whether Karpinski could face criminal charges, Schilf did not answer directly, but said, 'This action doesn't close any doors."
Karpinski, \\/ho has served in the Army for 27 years, has argued that the cell blocks where the abuse was centered were controlled by U.S. military intelligence, not military pobce.
DODDOA 01~147
About two months after the Red Cross warned U.S. commanders of widespread prisoner
abuses, Karpinski assured the Red Cross in a confidential letter that Iraqi detainees \vere
being given the best treatment possible and that even more "improvements are
cantinuall y being made."
Yesterday, however, Karpinski insisted she v ../as "set up."
J\1eanwhile, the Washington Post, quoting Pentagon and other administration officials,
reported today that Bush plans to appoint a new, higher-ranking military commander for
Iraq, capping an overhaul of the command structure that is likely to replace Sanchez as
the top general on the ground there.
Sanchez has been besieged lately by questions about his oversight of detainee operations in Iraq, especially his role in the scandal over the abuse of Iraqi delainees by U.S. soldiers at Abu Ghraib. But administration officials said the move to insLdl a new four-star commander has been under consideration for months, well before the mistreatment of detainees became major news. It is not clear \vhat wi]] happen to Sanchez.
General \Vho Led Abu Ghraib Prison Guard Unit Has Been Suspended
Associated Press
May 25,2004
An Army general accused by military investigators of providing too little supervision for
an Iraqi prison where abuse of inmates took place has been suspended from her
command, officials say.
The decision to temporarily move Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski, a native of Rahway, N.J.,
from her command of the 800th Military Police Brigade came amid reports that the top
U.S. military officer in Iraq, Army Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, is due to be replaced soon.
Karpinski and other officers in her brigade were faulted by Army investigators for paying too little attention to day-to-day operations of the Abu Ghraib prison and for not moving firmly enough to discipline soldiers for violating standard procedures.
Karpinski's suspension, which has not yet been announced by the Army, was the latest in a series of actions against officers and enlisted soldiers implicated in the abuse scandal at the prison near Baghdad.
Sanchez will be replaced in Iraq in what officials said was his scheduled rotation after 13 months of duty there. Gen. George Casey, the Army's No.2 officer as vice chief of staff, was in line for the post, reported NBC News, The .New York Times, the Los Angeles Times and The Washington Post.
Secretary of State Colin Powell, appearing Tuesday on CBS's "The Early Show," said he had heard the reports but could not say whether Sanchez's departure v,as in any way related to the prison abuse problem.
Powell did 'say, however, that "we all knew this was coming about as part of the normal
rotation of commanders. General Sanchez has done a terrific job and he's been there for
over a year now, so it seems to me in the normal scheme of things."
Last week, Spc. Jeremy Sivits received the maximum penalty of a year in prison and a
bad-conduct discharge in the first court-martial stemming from the abuse of Iraqis at the
prison. He was among seven members ofthe 372nd Military Police Company that have
been charged.
Karpinski, who has returned to the United States, has not been charged with an offense.
Being suspended from her command does not mean she has been relieved of command,
so technically she could be reinstated, although the intensity of the international furor
over the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse makes that highly unlikely, said the officials,
speaking on condition of anonymity.
In his \lv'idely cited investigation report on the Abu Ghraib abuse allegations, Maj. Gen.
Antonio Taguba found heavy fault with Karpinski's performance and recommended that
she be relieved of command and given a formal reprimand. Instead she was given a less
severe "memorand).lm of admonishment" on Jan. 17 by Sanchez.
Taguba reported that despite the documented abuse of prisoners, he saw no evidence that
Karpinski ever attempted to remind the military police in her command of the
requirements of the Geneva Conventions, which protect prisoners of war and civilian
detainees in times of armed conflict.
Sanchez To Be Replaced
Associated Press
May 25, 2004
Terence Hunt
The top U.S. military officer in Iraq, Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, will be replaced as part of a command restructuring that has been in the works for several months, administration officials said Tuesday. The Pentagon also suspended Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski from her command.
Both have become symbols of lax supervision at the Abu Ghraib prison where U.S.
soldiers allegedly abused Iraqi inmates.
President Bush praised Sanchez during a photo opportunity in the Oval Office. "Rick Sanchez has done a fabulous job," the president said as he met \vith a group ofIraqis. "He's been there for a long time. His service has been exemplary."
At the Pentagon, Larry Di Rita, chief spokesman for Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, said both Rumsfeld and Joint Chiefs chairman Gen. Richard Myers "are very
DODDOA 01~14q
impressed with the work Gen. Sanchez performed from the very beginning" of his service in Iraq. Sanchez took command there in May 2003.
Regarding suggestions that Sanchez's departure is linked to the abuse scandal, Oi Rita
said, "That's just wrong."
Karpinski and other officers in the 800th Military Police Brigade were faulted by Army
investigators for paying too little attention to day-to-day operations of the Abu Ghraib
prison and for not moving firmly enough to discipline soldiers for violating standard
procedures.
Karpinski's suspension, vvhich has not yet been announced by the Army, \vas the latest in a series of actions against officers and enlisted soldiers implicated in the abuse scandal at the prison near Baghdad.
Sanchez will be replaced in Iraq in what administration officials said \\'as his scheduled
rotation after 13 months of duty there. Gen. George Casey, the Army's No.2 officer as
vice chief of staff, was in line for the post, defense officials said Monday.
Oi Rita said, "There has been no final decision" on who will replace Sanchez.
Secretary of State Colin Powell, appearing Tuesday on CBS's "The Early Show," said be had heard the reports but could not say whether Sanchez's departure was in any way related to the prison abuse problem.
Powell did say, however, that "we all knew this vvas coming about as part of the normal
rotation of commanders. General Sanchez has done a terrific job and he's been there for
over a year now, so it seems to me in the normal scheme of things."
Last week, Spc. Jeremy Sivits received the maximum penalty of a year in prison and a
bad-conduct discharge in the first court-martial stemming from the abuse of Iraqis at the
prison. He was among seven members of the 372nd Military Police Company that have
been charged.
Karpinski, yvho has returned to the United States, has not been charged with an offense.
Being suspended from her command does not mean she has been relieved of command,
so technically she could be reinstated, although the intensity of the international furor
over the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse makes that highly unlikely, said the officials,
speaking on condition of anonymity.
"I don't know what the grounds are," Karpinski told MSNBC Monday night. "I know that I've been suspended. When I see it in writing, there \A/ill be an explanation for it. And what that means is I'm suspended from my position as the commander of the 800th Military Police Brigade, and they assign me to another position until whatever the reason is, whatever the basis is, is cleared."
In his widely cited investigation report on the Abu Ghraib abuse allegations, Maj. Gen. Antonio Taguba found heavy fault with Karpinski's performance and recommended that she be relieved of command and given a formal reprimand. Instead she \\'as given a lesssevere "memorandum of admonishment" on Jan. 17 by Sanchez.
Taguba reported that despite the documented abuse of prisoners, he saw no evidence that Karpinski ever attempted to remind the military police in her command of the requirements of the Geneva Conventions, which protect prisoners of war and civilian detainees in times of armed conflict.
TOP TIER PRINT
Abuse of Captives More Widespread, Says Army Survey
New York Times
May 26, 2004
Douglas Jehl, Steven Lee Myers and Eric Schmitt
An Army summary of deaths and mistreatment involving prisoners in American custody in Iraq and Afghanistan shows a widespread pattern of abuse involving more military units than previously known.
The cases from Iraq date back to April 15,2003, a few days after Saddam Hussein's
statue was toppled in a Baghdad square, and they extend up to last month, \\;hen a
prisoner detained by Navy commandos died in a suspected case of homicide blamed on
"blunt force trauma to the torso and positional asphyxia."
Among previously unknown incidents are the abuse of detainees by Army interrogators from a National Guard unit attached to the Third Infantry Division, who are described in a document obtained by The New York Times as having "forced into asphyxiation numerous detainees in an attempt to obtain information" during a 1O-\veek period last spnng.
The document, dated May 5, is a synopsis prepared by the Criminal Investigation
Command at the request of Army officials grappling with intense scrutiny prompted by
the circulation the preceding week ofphotographs ofprisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib. It
lists the status of investigations into three dozen cases, including the continuing
investigation into the notorious abuses at Abu Ghraib.
In one ofthe oldest cases, involving the death of a prisoner in Afghanistan in December 2002, enlisted personnel from an active-duty military intelligence unit at Fort Bragg, nc., and an Army Reserve military-police unit from Ohio are believed to have been "involved at various times in assaulting and mistreating the detainee."
The Army summary is consistent with recent public statements by senior military officials, who have said the Army is actively investigating nine suspected homicides of prisoners held by Americans in Iraq and Afghanistan in late 2002.
But the details paint a broad picture of misconduct, and show that in many cases among the 37 prisoners \vho have died in American custody in Iraq and Afghanistan, the Army did not conduct autopsies and says it cannot determine the causes of the deaths.
In his speech on Monday night, President Bush portrayed the abuse of prisoners by American soldiers in narrow terms, He described incidents at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, which were the first and most serious to come to light, as involving actions "by a few American troops \vho disregarded our country and disregarded our values,"
According to the Army summary, the deaths that are now being investigated most
vigorously by Army officials may be those from Afghanistan in December 2002, where
two prisoners died in one week at what was known as the Bagram Collection Point,
where interrogations v ...·ere overseen by a platoon from Company A, 51 9th Military
Intelligence Battalion, from Fort Bragg.
The document says the investigation into the tviO deaths "is continuing with recent re
interviews," both of military intelligence personnel from Fort Bragg and of Army
Reserve military police officers from Ohio and surrounding states, who were serving as
guards at the facility. It was not clear from the document exactly ""hieh Army Reserve
unit was being investigated.
On March 4,2003, The New York Times reported on the two deaths, noting that the
cause given on one of the death certificates was "homicide," a result of "blunt force
injuries to lower extremities complicating coronary artery disease," It was signed by an
Army pathologist.
Both deaths were ruled homicides within days, but military spokesmen in Afghanistan
initially portrayed at least one as be.ing the result of natural causes, Personnel from the
unit in charge of interrogations at the facility, led by Capt. Carolyn Wood, were later
assigned to Iraq, and to the Joint Interrogation and Debriefing Center at Abu Ghraib.
Lt. Col. Billy Buckner, a spokesman for the 18th Airborne Corps, said in an e-mail
message on Monday that no one from the 519th lv1ilitary Intelligence Battalion had yet
been disciplined in connection with any deaths or other misconduct in Iraq, He declined
to say if anyone from tIle unit was the subject of an ongoing investigation.
The document also categorizes as a sexual assault a case of abuse at Abu Ghraib last fall
that involved three soldiers from that unit, who \\'ere later fined and demoted but whose
names the Army has refused to provide.
As part of the incident, the document says, the three soldiers "entered the female wing of the prison and took a female detainee to a vacant cell."
"While one allegedly stood as look-out and one held the detainee's band, the third soldier allegedly kissed the detainee," the report said, It says that the female detainee was
nnnnnA n1~1&:;?
reportedly threatened with being left with a naked male detainee, but that "investigation
failed to either prove or disprove the indecent-assault allegations."
The May 5 document said the three soldiers from the 519th were demoted: two to
privates first class and one to specialist. One \vas fined $750, the other two $500 each.
In what appeared to be a serious case of abuse over a prolonged period of time,
unidentified enlisted members of the 223rd Military Intelligence Battalion, part of the
California National Guard, were accused of abusing Iraqi detainees at a center in
Samarra, north of Baghdad.
The unit, based in San Francisco, operated under the command of the Third Infantry
Division, the armored force that led the Army assault on Baghdad last April and
continued to patrol the city and the surrounding region into the summer.
According to the Army summary, members of the 223rd "struck and pulled the hair of
detainees" during interrogations over a period that lasted 10 \\leeks. The summary said
they "forced into asphyxiations numerous detainees in an attempt to obtain information."
The accusations \vere based on the statement of a soldier. No other details of the abusenot the number of suspected soldiers nor the progress of the investigation -were disclosed.
A spokeswoman for the California National Guard in Sacramento, Maj. Denise Varner,
said she could not discuss any investigation.
Another incident, whose general outlines had been previously known, involved the death in custody of a senior Iraqi officer, Maj. Gen. Abed Hamed Mowhoush, who died last November at a detention center run by the Third Armored Cavalry, of Fort Carson, Colo. Soldiers acknowledged to investigators that interviews with the general on Nov. 24 and 25 involved "physical assaults."
In fact, investigators determined that General Mowhoush died after being shoved head
first into a sleeping bag, and questioned while being rolled repeatedly from his back to
his stomach. That finding was first reported in The Denver Post.
According to Army officials and documents, at least 12 prisoners have died of natural or undetermined causes, including nine in Abu Ghraib. In six of those cases, the military conducted no autopsy to confirm the presumed cause of death. As a result, the investigations into their deaths were closed by Army investigators.
In another casc, an autopsy found that a detainee, Muhammad Najem Abed, died of cardiac arrest complicated by diabetes, without noting, as the investigation summary does, that he died after "a self-motivated hunger strike."
nnnnnA n1~1&:;~
In two cases, involving the deaths of prisoners at Abu Ghraib on Jan. 16 and Feb. 19,
investigations continue even though the causes are believed to be natural. In the Feb. 19
case, Muharnmad Saad Abdullah was found dead with "acute inflammation of the
abdomen." An autopsy classified the death as natural, apparently caused by "peritonitis
secondary to perforating gastric ulcer."
Army officials have been reluctant to discuss the type of detail that the document
describes, even when investigations into the cases are closed. The Army has refused to
make public the synopses of Army criminal investigations il1to the deaths or assaults of
Iraqi or Afghan prisoners while in custody.
At a Pentagon briefing on Friday, a senior military official and a senior Pentagon medical official said the Army was investigating the deaths of 37 detainees in Iraq and Afghanistan, an increase from at least 25 deaths that a senior Army general described on May 4.
Arm)' officials have given rough breakdowns of those deaths, incl uding those ruled natural deaths, homicides and ongoing investigations. But Army officials have been stingy with details. Ofthe two homicide cases the Army has closed, for instance, officials have given only spare details about a soldier who shot and killed an Iraqi detainee who was throwing rocks at the guards. The soldier was demoted and dishonorably discharged from the Army.
When asked Friday about details ofpending investigations that military medical examiners had characterized as homicides, and that had been described in news accounts, a senior official would only confirm, "That's an ongoing investigation."
The official described the dates, locations and number of deaths involved in four cases ruled justifiable homicide, all in Iraq, including three at Abu Ghraib. But the official did not give details about the individual cases.
Who \Vould Try Civilians of U.S.? No One in Iraq
New York Times
May 26, 2004
Adam Liptak
Though civilian translators and interrogators may have participated in the abuse at Abu Ghraib prison, prosecuting them ,,,,ill present challenges, legal experts say, because such civilians working for the military are subject to neither Iraqi nor military justice.
On the basis of a referral fl.-om the Pentagon, the Justice Department opened an investigation on Friday into the conduct of one civilian contractor in Iraq, \vho has not been identified.
nnnnnA n1~1&:;Ll
"We remain committed to taking all appropriate action within our jurisdiction regarding
allegations of mistreatment of Iraqi prisoners," Mark Corallo, a Justice Department
spokesman, said in a statement.
Prosecuting civilian contractors in United States courts v'iOu]cI be "fascinating and
enormously complicated," said Deborah N. Pearlstein, director o[the U.S. law and
security program of Human Rights First.
It is clear, on the other hand, that neither Iraqi courts nor American courts-martial are
available.
In June 2003, L. Paul Bremer III, the chief American administrator in Iraq, granted broad immunity to civilian contractors and their employees. They wcre, he 'vrotc, generally not subject to criminal and civil actions in the Iraqi legal system, including arrest and detention.
That immunity is limited to their official acts under their contracts, and it is unclear
whether any abuses alleged can be said to have been such acts. But even unofficial
conduct by contractors in Iraq cannot be prosecuted there, Mr. Bremer's order said,
\vithout his written permission.
Similarly, under a series of Supreme Court decisions, civilians cannot be court-martialed
in the absence of a formal declaration of war. There was no such declaration in the Iraq
war.
In theory, the president could establish new military commissions to try civilians charged with offenses in Iraq, said Jordan Paust, a law professor at the University of Houston and a former member of the faculty at the Army's Judge Advocate General's School. The commissions announced by President Bush in the wake of the Sept. 11 attacks clo not, however, have jurisdiction over American citizens.
That leaves prosecution in United States courts. There, prosecutors might turn to two
relatively narrow laws, or a broader one, to pursue their cases.
A 1994 law makes tOliure committed by Americans outside the United States a crime.
The law defines torture as the infliction of severe physical or mental pain or suffering.
But some human rights groups suspect that the administration may be reluctant to use the law, because its officials, including Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, have resisted calling the abuse at Abu Ghraib torture.
"If they don't want to use the word 'torture,' " Ms. Pearlstein said, "prosecutions under tbe torture act aren't likely."
DonnOA n1~1!)!)
A 1996 law concerning \I/ar crimes allows prosecutions for violations of some provisions of the Geneva Conventions, including those prohibiting torture, "outrages upon personal dignity" and "humiliating and degrading treatment."
Bush administration lawyers cited potential prosecutions under the law as a reason not to give detainees at Guantanamo Bay the protections of the Geneva Conventions. But the administration has said that the conventions apply to detainees in lraq.
Both the torture la\\' and the war-crimes law provide for long prison sentences, and
capital punishment is available in cases involving the victim's death.
The broader law, the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act, allows people "employed by or accompanying the armed forces oLltside the United States" to be prosecuted in United States courts for federal crimes punishable by more than a year's imprisonment. People \\'ho are citizens or residents of the bost nations are not covered, but Americans and other foreign nationals are.
The law has appar
DODDOA 01~1FiR
ARMY RESERVE
Generals At Odds OYer Abuse At .Prison
FVashingtol1 Times
May 26, 2004
Rowan Scarborough
An Army investigation and congressional hearings have spotlighted a series of
conflicting statements about Iraqi prisoner abuse bet\vcen the top brass and the general
who once ran Abu Ghraib prison and who v;as stripped this week of her brigade
command.
Some military advocates say Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski received light punishment
because she is one of the Army's few female generals. Recommended for a reprimand,
she instead received a minor letter of admonishment.
At first, she kept her command of the 800th Military Police Brigade. But as pressure mounted from Congress to punish higher-ups -not just enlisted MPs at the prison -the Army this \\leek temporarily reassigned her toa reserve unit at Fort Jackson, S.c.
The differences pitting Gen. Karpinski against superiors go to the heart of w11)l" the
infamous prison near Baghdad was dysfunctional and why it became the venue for
continued physical and psychological abuse of Iraqi detainees by military police.
Gen. Karpinski, a reservist who lives in Hilton Head, S.c., and works as a business
consultant, says the scandal stemmed from a lack of manpower at Abu Ghraib and no
clear direction from the military command in Baghdad led by Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez.
She denies knowledge of any abusive behavior before the scandal broke.
But Maj. Gen. Antonio M. Taguba, 'l-vho completed the first of several ongoing administrative investigations, lays some blame squarely at the feet of Gen. Karpinski. His report says she did not act on recommendations from a series of fault-llnding inquiries before the ill treatment began in October.
"Had the findings and recommendations contained \vithin their own investigations been
analyzed and actually implemented by Brig. Gen. Karpinski, many of the subsequent
escapes, accountability lapses and cases of abuse may have been prevented," Gen.
Taguba wrote.
Some pro-military persons have seized on the Abu Ghraib scandal as an example of a
"politically correct" military that does not \vant to punish a female general.
"I think they've been handling her with kid gloves," said Elaine Donnelly, who heads the Center for Military Readiness. "The fact that she is a yvoman general who portrayed herself as a victim may have had something to do with it."
On her suspension, Mrs. Donnelly said, "Frankly, I wonder why it has taken so long. She was there before, during and after the worst of the abuse. I'm not convinced at all by her argument she did not know."
William S. Lind, who directs the Center for Cultural Conservatism at the Free Congress Foundation, writes in a column this week that, "The apparent breakdov,n in discipline among the MPs at Abu Ghraib may relate to the presence of women, and especialJ y to the fact that the commander was a woman .... The climate of 'political correctness' (or, to
. give it its true name, cultl1ral Marxism) that has infested and ovenvhelmed the American' armed forces makes it almost impossible to discipline a woman -and risky for a man to attempt to do so."
Whatever the reason, one theme is clear: Abu Ghraib was a disaster waiting to happen.
Rules on uniforms were not enforced; soldiers wrote poems and otllel' sayings on their
helmets; saluting of officers was not enforced. Records on inmates and escapes were
spotty. Regulations were not posted; no MP had been trained adequately in detainee
operations.

"I have never seen a more dysfunctional command relationship in the history of me
looking at the military like that jail," Sen. Lindsey Graham, South Carolina Republican,
told Gen. Sanchez at a Senate hearing last week.

"Sir," the three-star general responded, "It was dysfunctional before the 19th of
November."

His reference to that date was a message to his critics, including Gen. Karpinski. She has blamed problems on the turnover of prison command from her 800th Brigade on that date to the 205th f\·1ilitary Intelligence Brigade. Some MPs accused of misconduct contend they acted on orders from 205th officers. But most abuses occurred in October and early November prior to the 19th, according to Gen. Taguba.
The exchange was just one example of disputes of fact bet\veen the one-star general and
more senior officers:

-At the same hearing, Gen. Sanchez vv'as asked about Gen. Karpinski's statements that she objected to the 205th taking over the jail. "Senator," Gen. Sanchez replied, "General Karpinski never talked to me about interference .... There vvas never a time where General Karpinski surfaced to me any objections to that tactical control order."
-Gen. Karpinski has quoted Maj. Gen. Geoffrey Miller as saying he came to Iraq to "Gitmo-ize" Abu Ghraib. It was a reference to Gen. Miller's tenure as the top jailer at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, \vhere suspected terrorists from the Afghanistan war are being held.
Said Gen. Miller, "Senator, I did not tell General Karpinski I was going to 'Gitmo-ize' Abu Ghraib. I don't believe I have ever used that term ever."
DonnOA n1~1!)A
Gen. Karpinski told Gen. Taguba that she paid regular visits to various detention centers. But the Taguba report states, "The detailed calendar provided by her aide-de-camp docs not support her contention. Moreover, numerous witnesses stated that they rarely smv Brig. Gen. Karpinski."
Asked by Sen. John McCain, Arizona Republican, to respond to Gen. Karpinski's
assertion she \vas excluded from certain sections of Abu Ghraib y,,'here the abuse
occurred, Gen. Taguba answered, "I disagree with that."
Gen. Karpinski could not be reached for comment this \\'eek. But in a previous interview, . and in a vvTitten rebuttal to Gen. Taguba dated April 1, she vigorously defended her tenure as Iraq prison \varden.
"The brigade suffered with diminishing personnel strength, without the benefit of a
personnel replacement system," she wrote. "We were successful in all missions, despite
numerous challenges and while operating in a combat zone, because the brigade V,'3S
determined and committed to do so."
As to Gen. Taguba's comment that she was "extremely emotional" during her testimony to him, Gen. Karpinski wrote, "The comments describing my emotional demeanor during a portion of my interview are misconstrued. Any implication of soldiers or the unit failing will elicit a strong emotional response from a caring and compassionate commander. The emotion was intense passion for my soldiers.
"Throughout my tenure in command I escorted hundreds of VIPs and media representatives through the numerous facilities the 800th Military Police Brigade secured. I consistently received rave reviews from all in attendance."
Gen. Karpinski, who took control of the penal system in Iraq on June 30, 2003, is now
back home in South Carolina. She has \vaged a spirited media campaign on cable TV
ne\vs channels to defend her record and to warn she will not be scapegoat.
The Army granted her permission to talk as long as she does not appear in uniform and
does not disparage the Army.
Gen. Taguba recommended she be reprimanded and stripped ofber command -a
career-ending move. Gen. Sanchez apparently overruled him, sticking by an admonishment issued in January.
Gen. Sanchez said at the Senate Armed Services Committee hearing that some of those already punished could face additional penalties. Gen. Karpinski's lawyer, Neal A. Puckett, said he does not think the statement applies to his client, who had no knowledge ofthe abuse until a soldier blew the whistle in January.
DonnOA n1~1!)Q
A Pentagon official said Gen. Karpinski is not the subject of any criminal investigation
but is "still vulnerable to further administrative charges."
Prison Investigator's Army Experience Questioned
Washington Post
May 26, 2004
Walter Pincus
Maj. Gen. George R. Fay, who is leading the Army's in\'estigation into the role of
military intelligence a1 Abu Ghraib prison and other detention facilities in Iraq, is an
insurance company executive who has been on acti\'e duty for five years.
Fay, the Army's deputy chief of staff for intelligence, was stilllistecl as a managing
director of the Chubb Group of Insurance Companies in its 2003 annual report. He \vas
selected March 31 to head the sensitive investigation into intelligence practices and
procedures in Iraq, and began work on April 23, said Lawrence T. DiRita, the Defense
Department assistant secretary for public affairs.
Pentagon officials, lawmakers and others are looking to Fay to help answer a central
question in the Abu Ghraib prison scandal: \Iv'hether the military intelligence soldiers
responsible for interrogating detainees directed or encouraged military police officers to
commit the abuse captured in photographs that have roiled the Arab world and damaged
U.S. credibility. Fay's probe into military intelligence follows the widely reported Army investigation by Maj. Gen. Antonio M. Taguba that focused primarily on the role of military police.
Two Pentagon officials and one public affairs officer in Iraq said yesterday they could not say who chose Fay to run the inquiry, but one Army official said the orders "were cut by" Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez, the commanding general in lraq.
At Chubb, Fay was executive vice president for claims and operations worldwide when
he was activated in 1999. Originally commissioned through the Reserve Officers
Training Corp Program in 1970, he served four years on active duty as a
counterintelligence officer.
Fay worked for Chubb but had a series of Army reserve posts, primarily in the New York area, from 1974 until 1999, when he was actj'vated and assigned as deputy commanding general of the Army Intelligence and Security Command.
Once activated, as a colonel, he was quickly promoted, first to brigadier general in 2000
and last year to major general. In October, he became deputy chief of staff for
intelligence at the Pentagon.
Fay has continued to make political contributions since he started active duty in 1999, some through the Chubb Corporation Political Action Committee (Chubbpac), according to public records. In 2000, he gave $500 to the campaign of Bob Franks, a New Jersey Republican running for the Senate; $1,000 to the New Jerse), Republican State Committee; and $1,000 to Chubbpac. In 200 I he gave $2,500 to Chubbpac and in 2002 another $2,500, but made no similar donations in 2003, according to election records. In the years before he \vent on active duty, Fay gave smaller contributions to Chubbpac. In 1997, he contributed $1,500 to the New Jersey Republican Party. In 1990, he gave $1,000 to New Jersey Democrat Bill Bradley'S Senate campaign.
Defense Department regulations permit political contributions by military personnel but it is unusual for them to go through a corporate political action committee.
Sen. John W. Warner (R-Va.), chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee. Said
yesterday he was unmvare of Fay's background as a reservist and his political
contributions. "These are very hard facts and have to be considered," Warner said. He
added that "\\'e don't have reason to question \\hether he will do other than an honorable
job."
Warner also said he expects Fay's review of the role of military intelligence to include
policies and decisions made not just in Iraq but also at the Pentagon. Fay, Warner said,
should look "into the intelligence chain of command, not only in Centcom [the military
command covering Iraq], but also back here in Washington."
A Pentagon public affairs officer yesterday said Fay was "on the road and not taking any
questions about his investigation."
Richard Kohn, professor of military history at the University of North Carolina at Cbapel Hill, said yesterday that Fay's limited experience as a reservist "does not inspire confidence in the investigation." He said the choice "is troubling. It raises the most basic question as to who chose him and why and what his tasking is."
At hearings before Warner's Senate committee on May 11, Undersecretary of Defense for Intelligence Stephen A. Cambone said that Fay had conducted interviews in Iraq and was going to Germany "to see people who have since rotated from Iraq to Germany. And then will come back here to meet others."
Cambone, in answer to a question, said he expected that Fay would include the military
intelligence activities at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, in his inquiry. "If General Fay didn't
realize that was the subject of his investigation, sir, he is no\\' painfully aware of it," he
said.
Cambone could be one of those interviewed by Fay since he told Warner's committee that in August 2003 he encouraged Maj. Gen. Geoffrey D. Miller, then head of Guantanamo, to go to Iraq to determine how to get a better intelligence through interrogation of detainees. Among other things, Miller advised that military police help intelligence officers by setting conditions for interrogations.
It was after Miller's visit to Abu Ghraib and some of his suggestions were implemented
that many oftlle questionable activities took place.
Head Of U.S. Prisons Is Off Active Duty And Loses Hn Command
Reuters
May 25, 2004
Will Dunham
An American general in charge of U.S.-run prisons in Iraq when the abuse ofprisoners
took place has been suspended as commander of the military police brigade at the heart
ofthe scandal and removed from active duty, the Army said yesterday.
Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski, a Rahway, N.J., native who had commanded the 800th
Military Police Brigade, was suspended from her duties, said Lt. Col Pamela Hart, an
Army spokesvvoman at the Pentagon.
Karpinski previously was formally admonished on Jan. 17 by Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez,
the top U. S. commander in Iraq.
The Army returned Karpinski yesterday to the Army Reserve from active-duty status.
said Al Schilf, an Army Reserve spokesman. In addition, Karpinski no longer serves as
commander of her Uniondale, N.Y.-based brigade, and was "temporarily attached" to the
U.S. Army Readiness Command at Fort Jackson, S.c., Schilf said. The Army was
seeking an "acting commander" of the brigade, Schilf said.

Karpinski currently lives in Hilton Head, S.C.
Karpinski told the Washington Post she was notified in an e-mail yesterday of her
suspension but has not yet been given a formal explanation.
"You'd think somebody would pick up the phone and call me," she said, lashing out at the Army hierarchy. "That should have been the protocol courtesy. I am a general officer. Nobody could spend the 25 cents to call me?"
Seven U.S. soldiers have been charged with abusing Iraqi prisoners a1 Abu Ghraib on the
outskirts of Baghdad. Army Maj. Gen. Antonio Taguba's report on the abuse faulted
Karpinski's "poor leadership." Photographs show U. S. soldiers physically and sexually
abusing and humiliating prisoners.
Asked whether Karpinski could face criminal charges, Schilf did not answer directly, but said, "This action doesn't close any doors."
Karpinski, vv·ho has served in the Army for 27 years, has argued that the cell blocks ·where the abuse v:as centered Viere controlled by U.S. military intelligence, not military police.
About two months after the Red Cross warned U.S. commanders of widespread prisoner
abuses, Karpinski assured the Red Cross in a confidential letter that Iraqi detainees were
being given the best treatment possible and that even more "improvements are
continually being made."
Yesterday, however, Karpinski insisted she was "set up."
Meanwhile, the Washington Post, quoting Pentagon and other administration officials,
reported today tllat Bush plans to appoint a new, higller-ranking military commander for
Iraq, capping an overhaul of the command structure that is likely to replace Sanchez as
the top general on the ground there.
Sanchez has been besieged lately by questions about his oversight of detainee operations in Iraq, especially his role in the scandal over the abuse of lraqi detainees by U.S. soldiers at Abu Ghraib. But administration officials said the move to install a new four-star commander has been under consideration for months, well before the mistreatment of detainees became major news. It is not clear vvhat will happen to Sanchez.
General Who Led Abu Ghraib Prison Guard Unit Has Been Suspended
Associated Press
May 25,2004
An Army general accused by military investigators of providing too little supervision for
an Iraqi prison where abuse of inmates took place has been suspended from her
command, officials say.
The decision to temporarily move Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski, a native of Rahway, N.J.,
from her command of the 800th Military Police Brigade came amid reports that the top
U.S. military officer in Iraq, Army Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, is due to be replaced soon.
Karpinski and' other officers in her brigade were faulted by Army investigators for paying too little attention to day-to-day operations of the Abu Ghraib prison and for not moving firmly enough to discipline soldiers for violating standard procedures.
Karpinski's suspension, which has not yet been announced by the Army, was the latest in a series of actions against officers and enlisted soldiers implicated in the abuse scandal at the prison near Baghdad.
Sanchez will be replaced in Iraq in what officials said \vas his scheduled rotation after 13 months of duty there. Gen. George Casey, the Army's No.2 officer as vice chief of staff, was in line for the post, reported NBC News, The New York Times, the Los Angeles Times and The Washington Post.
Secretary of State Colin Powell, appearing Tuesday on CBS's "The Early Show," said he had heard the reports but could not say whether Sanchez's departure was in any way related to the prison abuse problem.
Poyvell did say, however, that "we all knew this was coming about as part of the normal
rotation of commanders. General Sanchez has done a terrific job and he's been there for
over a year now, so it seems to me in the normal scheme of things."
Last vieek, Spc. Jeremy Sivits received the maximum penalty of a year in prison and a
bad-conduct discharge in the first court-martial stemming from the abuse of Iraqis at the
prison. He was among seven members of the 372nd Military Police Company that have
been charged.
Karpinski, who has returned to the United States, has not been charged with an oiIense.
Being suspended from her command does not mean she has been relieved of command,
so technically she could be reinstated, although the intensity of the international furor
over the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse makes that highly unlikely, said the officials,
speaking on condition of anonymity.
In his widely cited investigation report on the Abu Ghraib abuse allegations, Maj. Gen.
Antonio Taguba found heavy fault with Karpinski's performance and recommended that
she be relieved of command and given a formal reprimand. Instead she was given a less
severe "memorandum of admonishment" on Jan. 17 by Sanchez.
Taguba reported that despite the documented abuse of prisoners, he saw no evidence that
Karpinski ever attempted to remind the military police in her command of the
requirements of the Geneva Conventions, which protect prisoners of war and civilian
detainees in times of armed conflict.
Sanchez To Be Replaced
Associated Press
May 25,2004
Terence Hunt
The top U.S. military officer in Iraq, Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, will be replaced as part of a command restructuring that has been in the works for several months, administration officials said Tuesday. The Pentagon also suspended Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski from ber command.
Both have become symbols oflax supervision at the Abu Ghraib prison where U.S.
soldiers allegedly abused Iraqi inmates.
President Bush praised Sanchez during a photo opportunity in the O\'al Office. "Rick Sanchez has done a fabulous job," the president said as he met \vith a group of Iraqis. "He's been there for a long time. His service has been exemplary."
At the Pentagon, Larry Di Rita, chief spokesman for Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, said both Rumsfeld and Joint Chiefs chairman Gen. Richard Myers "are very impressed with the work Gen. Sanchez performed from the very beginning" of his service in Iraq. Sanchez took command there in May 2003.
Regarding suggestions that Sanchez's departure is linked to the abuse scandal, Di Rita
said, "That's just \vrong."
Karpinski and other officers in the 800th Military Police Brigade were faulted by Army
investigators for paying too little attention to day-to-day operations of the Abu Ghraib
prison and for not moving firmly enough to discipline soldiers for violating standard
procedures.
Karpinski's suspension, which has not yet been announced by the Army, was the latest in a series of actions against officers and enlisted soldiers implicated in the abuse scandal at the prison near Baghdad.
Sanchez will be replaced in Iraq in what administration officials said was his scheduled
rotation after 13 months of duty there. Gen. George Casey, the Army's No.2 officer as
vice chief of staff, was in line for the post, defense officials said Monday.
Di Rita said, "There has been no final decision" on \""ho will replace Sanchez.
Secretary of State Colin Powell, appearing Tuesday on CBS's "The Early Show," said he had heard the reports but could not say whether Sanchez's depmiure was in any way related to the prison abuse problem.
Powell did say, however, that "we all knew this was coming about as part of the normal
rotation ofcommanders. General Sanchez has done a terrific job and he's been there for
over a year now, so it seems to me in the normal scheme of things."
Last week, Spc. Jeremy Sivits received the maximum penalty of a year in prison and a
bad-conduct discharge in the first court-martial stemming from the abuse of Iraqis at the
prison. He was among seven members of the 372nd Military Police Company that have
been charged.
Karpinski, viho has returned to the United States, has not been charged with an offense.
Being suspended from her command does not mean she has been relieved of command,
so technically she could be reinstated, although the intensity of the international furor
over the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse makes that highly unlikely, said the officials,
speaking on condition of anonymity.
"I don't know what the grounds are," Karpinski told l\.'1SNBC Monday night. "I know that I've been suspended. When I see it in writing, there will be an explanation for it. And what that means is I'm suspended from my position as the commander of the 800th Military Police Brigade, and they assign me to another position until whatever the reason is, whatever the basis is, is cleared."
DonnOA n1~1R&)
In his widely cited investigation report on the Abu Ghraib abuse allegations, Maj. Gen. Antonio Taguba found heavy fault \vith Karpinski's performance and recommended that she be relieved of cOl:nmand and given a formal reprimand. Inste3d she was given a lesssevere "memorandum of admonishment" on Jan. 17 by Sanchez.
Taguba reported that despite the documented abuse of prisoners, he saw no evidence that Karpinski ever attempted to remind the military police in her command of the requirements of the Geneva Conventions, which protect prisoners of W3r and civilian detainees in times ofarmed conflict.
TOP TIER PRINT
Abuse of Captives More Widespread, Says Army Survey
New York Times
May 26, 2004
Douglas Jchl, Steven Lee Myers and Eric Schmitt
An Army summary of deaths and mistreatment involving prisoners in American custody in Iraq and Afghanistan shows a widespread pattern of abuse involving more military units than previously known.
The cases from Iraq date back to April 15,2003, a few days after Saddam Hussein's
statue was toppled in a Baghdad square, and they extend up to last month, when a
prisoner detained by Navy commandos died in a suspected case of homicide blamed on
"blunt force trauma to the torso and positional asphyxia."
Among previously unknown incidents are the abuse of detainees by Army interrogators from a National Guard unit attached to the Third Infantry Division, who are described in a document obtained by The New York Times as having "forced into asphyxiation numerous detainees in an attempt to obtain information" during a I O-week period last spnng.
The document, dated May 5, is a synopsis prepared by the Criminal Investigation Command at the request ofArmy officials grappling with intense scrutiny prompted by the circulation the preceding week of photographs of prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib. It lists the status of investigations into three dozen cases, including the continuing investigation into the notorious abuses at Abu Ghraib.
In one of the oldest cases, involving the death of a prisoner in Afghanistan in December 2002, enlisted personnel [rom an active-duty military intelligence unit at Fort Bragg, N.C., and an Army Reserve military-police unit from Ohio are believed to have been "involved at various times in assaulting and mistreating the detainee."
The Army summary is consistent with recent public statements by senior military officials, VdlO have said the Army is actively investigating nine suspected homicides of prisoners held by Americans in Iraq and Afghanistan in late 2002.
DODDOA 0131RR

But the details paint a broad picture of misconduct, and shov,1 that in many cases among the 37 prisoners who have died in American custody in Iraq and Afghanistan, the Army did not conduct autopsies and says it cannot determine the causes of the deaths.
In his speech on Monday night, President Bush p011raycd the abuse of prisoners by American soldiers in narrovv' terms. He described incidents at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, which were the first and most serious to come to light, as involving actions "by a few American troops who disregarded our country and disregarded our values."
According to the Army summary, the deaths that are now being investigated most
vigorously by Army officials may be those from Afghanistan in December 2002, where
two prisoners died in one week at what v\'as known as tl1e Bagram Collection Point,
where interrogations were overseen by a platoon from Company A, 51 9th Military
Intelligence Battalion, from Fort Bragg.
The document says the investigation into the two deaths "is continuing with recent re
intervievvs," both of military intelligence personnel from Fort Bragg and of Army
Reserve military police officers from Ohio and surrounding states, who were serving as
guards at the facility. It was not clear from the document exactly which Army Reserve
unit was being investigated.
On March 4,2003, The New York Times reported on the two deaths, noting that the
cause given on one of the death certificates was "homicide," a result of "blunt force
injuries to lower extremities complicating coronary artery disease." It was signed by an
Army pathologist.
Both deaths were ruled homicides within days, but military spokesmen in Afghanistan
initially portrayed at least one as being the result of natural causes. Personnel from the
unit in charge of interrogations at the facility, led by Capt. Carolyn Wood, were later
assigned to Iraq, and to the Joint Interrogation and Debriefing Center at Abu Ghraib.
Lt. Col. Billy Buckner, a spokesman for the 18th Airborne Corps, said in an e-mail
message on Monday that no one from the 519th Military Intelligence Battalion had yet
been disciplined in connection with any deaths or other misconduct in Iraq. He declined
to say if anyone from the unit was the subject of an ongoing investigation.
The document also categorizes as a sexual assault a case of abuse at Abu Ghraib last fall
that involved three soldiers from that unit, who were later fined and demoted but whose
names the Army has refused to provide.
As part of the incident, the document says, the three soldiers "entered the female wing of the prison and took a female detainee to a vacant cell."
"While one allegedly stood as look-out and one held the detainee's hand, the third soldier allegedly kissed the detainee," the report said. It says that the female detainee \vas reportedly threatened with being left with a naked male detainee, but that "investigation
failed to either prove or disprove the indecent-assault allegations."
The May 5 document said the three soldiers from the 519th were demoted: t\\lO to
privates first class and one to specialist. One was fined $750, the other two $500 each.
In what appeared to be a serious case of abuse over a prolonged period of time,
unidentified enlisted members of the 223rd Military Intelligence Battalion, part of the
California National Guard, were accused of abusing Iraqi detainees at a center in
Samarra, north of Baghdad.
The unit, based in San Francisco, operated under the command ofthe Third Infantry
Division, the armored force that led the Army assault on Baghdad last April and
continued to patrol the city and the surrounding region into the summer.
According to the Army summary, members of the 223rd "struck and pulled the hair of detainees" during interrogations over a period that lasted 10 weeks. The summary said they "forced into asphyxiations numerous detainees in an attempt to obtain information."
The accusations were based on the statement of a soldier. No other details of the abuse
not the number of suspected soldiers nor the progress of the investigation -were
disclosed.
A spokeswoman for the California National Guard in Sacramento, Maj. Denise Varner,
said she could not discuss any investigation ..
Another incident, whose general outlines had been previously known, involved the death in custody of a senior Iraqi officer, Maj. Gen. Abed Hamed Mowhoush, who died last November at a detention center run by the Third Armored Cavalry, of Fort Carson, Colo. Soldiers acknowledged to investigators that interviews with the general on Nov. 24 and 25 involved "physical assaults."
In fact, investigators determined that General Mowhoush died after being shoved head
first into a sleeping bag, and questioned while being rolled repeatedly from his back to
his stomach. That finding was first reported in The Denver Post.
According to Army officials and documents, at least 12 prisoners have died of natural or undetermined causes, including nine in Abu Ghraib. In six of those cases, the military conducted no autopsy to confirm the presumed cause of death. As a result, the investigations into their deaths were closed by Army investigators.
In another case, an autopsy found that a detainee, :t"I1uhammad Najem Abed, died of cardiac arrest complicated by diabetes, \vithout noting, as the investigation summary does, that he died after "a self-motivated hunger strike."
In two cases, involving the deaths of prisoners at Abu Gbraib on Jan. 16 and Feb. 19,
investigations continue even though the causes are believed to be natural. In the Feb. 19
case, Muhammad Saad Abdullah was found dead with "acute inflammation of tIle
abdomen." An autopsy classified the death as natural, apparently caused by "peritonitis
secondary to perforating gastric ulcer."
Army officials have been reluctant to discuss the type of detail that the document
describes, even when investigations into the cases are closed. The Army has refused to
make public the synopses of Army criminal investigations into the deaths or assaults of
Iraqi or Afghan prisoners \\'hile in custody.
At a Pentagon briefing on Friday, a senior military official and a senior Pentagon medical official said the Army was investigating the deaths of 37 detainees in Iraq and Afghanistan, an increase from at least 25 deaths that a senior Army genersl described on May 4.
Army officials have given rough breakdowns of those deaths, including those ruled natural deaths, homicides and ongoing investigations. But Army officials have been stingy \vith details. Of the two homicide cases the Army has closed, for instance, officials have given only spare details about a soldier who shot and killed an Iraqi detainee \.vho was throwing rocks at the guards. The soldier was demoted and dishonorably discharged from the Army.
When asked Friday about details of pending investigations that military medical examiners had characterized as homicides, and that had been described in news accounts, a senior official would only confirm, "That's an ongoing investigation."
The official described the dates, locations and number of deaths involved in four cases ruled justifiable homicide, all in Iraq, including three at Abu Ghraib. But the official did not give details about the individual cases.
\Vho \Vould Try Ciyilians of U.S.? No One in Iraq
New York Times
May 26,2004
Adam Liptak
Though civilian translators and interrogators may have participated in the abuse at Abu Ghraib prison, prosecuting them \vill present challenges, legal experts say, because such civilians working for the military are subject to neither Iraqi nor military justice.
On the basis of a referral from the Pentagon, the Justice Department opened an investigation on Friday into the conduct of one civilian contractor in Iraq, who has not been identified.
"We remain committed to taking all appropriate action within our jurisdiction regarding
allegations of mistreatment of Iraqi prisoners," Mark Corallo, a Justice Department
spokesman, said in a statement.
Prosecuting civilian contractors in United States courts \vould be "fascinating and
enormously complicated," said Deborah N. Pearlstein, director of the U.S. law and
security program of Human Rights First.
It is clear, on the other hand, that neither Iraqi courts nor American courts-martial are
available.
In June 2003, L. Paul Bremer Ill, the chief American administrator in Iraq, granted broad immunity to civilian contractors and their employees. They were, he wrote, generally not subject to criminal and civil actions in the Iraqi legal system, including arrest and detention.
That immunity is limited to their official acts under their contracts, and it is unclear
whether any abuses alleged can be said to have been such acts. But even unofficial
conduct by contractors in Iraq cannot be prosecuted there, M1'. Bremer's order said,
without his written permission.
Similarly, under a series of Supreme Court decisions, civilians cannot be court-martialed
in the absence of a formal declaration of war. There was no such declaration in the Iraq
war.
In theory, the president could establish new military commissions to try civilians charged with offenses in Iraq, said Jordan Paust, a law professor at the University of Houston and a former member of the faculty at the Army's Judge Advocate General's School. TIle commissions announced by President Bush in the wake of the Sept. 11 attacks do not, however, have jurisdiction over American citizens.
That leaves prosecution in United States courts. There, prosecutors might turn to two
relatively narrow laws, or a broader one, to pursue their cases.
A 1994 law makes torture committed by Americans outside the United States a crime.
The law defines torture as the infliction of severe physical or mental pain or suffering.
But some human rights groups suspect that the administration may be reluctant to use the law, because its officials, including Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, have resisted calling the abuse at Abu Ghraib torture.
"Ifthey clon't want to use the word 'torture,' " Ms. Pearlstein said, "prosecutions under the torture act aren't likely."
A 1996 lavv' concerning war crimes allovis prosecutions for violations of some provisions of the Geneva Conventions, including those prohibiting torture, "outrages upon personal dignity" and "humiliating and degrading treatment."
Bush administration lawyers cited potential prosecutions under the lay\! as a reason not to give detainees at Guantanamo Bay the protections of the Geneva Conventions. But tbe administration has said that the conventions apply to detainees in Iraq.
Both the torture law and the war-crimes law provide for long prison sentences, and
capital punishment is available in cases involving the victim's death.
The broader law, the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act, allows people "employed
by or accompanying the armed forces outside tbe United States" to be prosecuted in
United States courts for federal crimes punishable by more than a year's imprisonment.
People who are citizens or residents of the host nations are not covered, but Americans
and other foreign nationals are.
The law has apparently been invoked only once, in a case involving charges that the wife of an Air Force staff sergeant murdered him in Turkey last year. The case \;v'ill soon be tried in federal court in Los Angeles.
The law was passed to fill a legal gap tbat had existed since the 1950's, when Supreme
Court decisions limited the military'S ability to prosecute civilians in courts-martial
during peacetime.
In 2000, a three-judge panel of the federal appeals court in New York, citing that gap, reluctantly overturned the conviction of an American civilian who had sexually abused a child in Germany. In an unusual move, the judges sent their decision to two Congressional committees. That helped encourage enactment of the law that year.
The law requires the Pentagon, in consultation with the State and Justice Departments, to establish regulations on how to carry it out. Though it was enacted four years ago, the regulations are still under consideration.
In any event, there are gaps and uncertainties in the law.
For one thing, it applies only to contractors employed by the Defense Department.
Contractors hired by other agencies, like the C.I.A., are not covered.
It is also unclear precisely where in the United States such prosecutions could be brought. Legal scholars have suggested that three places might be available: the area of the defendant's last known residence, the place \vhere the defendant is first brought from abroad and the District of Columbia.
In addition to such criminal cbarges, the companies that provided the translators and interrogators may be subject to civil suits for money, under a 1789 law that allows federal courts to hear "any civil action by an alien for a tort only, committed in violation of the
law of nations." Torture is such a violation, legal experts say.
The Supreme Court is considering a case concerning the scope of that law, vvhich has
been used to hold American companies accountable for abusive actions abroad.
But, in an echo ofthe defenses offered by several members of the military police who
have been ordered to face courts-martial for actions in Ir.1q, companies may be able to
offer a "government contractor defense," in an effort to show they were operating under
specific instructions from the government.
U.S. Civilian \Vorking at Abu Ghraib Disputes Army's Vel'sion of His Role in
Abuses

New York Times
May 26,2004
Joel Brinkley
John B. Israel, an Iraqi-American Christian and one of two civilian contractors implicated in the Abu Ghraib prison scandal, returned home to California a few weeks ago and, until Monday, was living quietly with his \.vife, Rosa.
In an interview on Monday at their home in Santa Clarita, Calif., Ms. Israel said that her
husband had not even hired a lawyer.
Mr. Israel, who was born in Baghdad in 1955, was one ofthree Iraqi-Americans working as translators at Abu Ghraib. The Army report on the abuses described him as "either directly or indirectly responsible for the abuses at Abu Ghraib."
On Monday, his employer, SOS Interpreting, with offices in New York and suburban
Washington, called Mr. Israel here for talks. That same evening, SOS issued its first
statement about Mr. Israel, saying simply that the company, a subcontractor for the Titan
Corporation for the \lv'ork in Iraq, "fully intends to cooperate with the Army and with
Titan" in the investigations. SOS said it would have nothing more to say.
Almost nothing was known about Mr. Israel before now. Among a raft of documents from the Army investigation, obtained by The New York Times, is a brief statement by M1'. Israel in which he denies any knowledge of the abuses. In it he says he arrived in Iraq on Oct. 14 and served as a translator for military intelligence. Asked if he had "witnessed any acts of abuse," he wrote: "No I have not."
Ms. Israel said her husband was "j ust a translator" and knew nothing of the Abu Ghraib abuses. She said a fellow employee had given his name to investigators. She would not say when he expected to return home, and he could not be reached for comment.
DODDOA 013172
The Army report said that Mr. Israel's statement of ignorance ran contrary to the
testimony of several witnesses. It also said he die! not have a security clearance, and
recommended that he be disciplined.
But if the failure to hold a secret or top-secret security clearance is a prosecutable
offense, almost every translator 'working in Abu Ghraib would be found guilty. The Army
records show that, of 15 Titan or SOS translators working at Abu Ghraib prison last fall,
only one held a security clearance. Nearly all of them are foreign-born American citizens,
and most come from backgrounds that have nothing to do \vith the sort of government
work that would require a security clearance.

Khalid Oman, for example, was a hotel manager in Kalamazoo, Mich., before leaving for
Iraq last fall to work as a translator for Titan, said his roommate, Sam Alsaud, in an
interview, adding that Mr. Oman had never worked as a translator before answering a
Titan advertisement. Mr. Oman is still in Iraq. "I guess he was looking for adventure,"
Mr. Alsaud added. "But he's upset. Things haven't turned out like he expected."

Mr. Oman, 29, was born in the United States while his fatber, a Saudi, was here attending
college. No\v he is \vorking at Abu Ghraib. He was not implicated in the scandal.

The one translator who reported on his Army form that he held a "secret" clearance,
Bakeer Naseef, a Jordanian-American, worked as a security guard for a private company
before taking the job in Iraq, said his daughter, Siham. That job -at the reception desk
of a technology company in Austin, Tex. -did not appear to require a clearance, and she
did not know where be might have obtained one. She said be had not worked as a
translator before. He, too, is still in Iraq.

Kenneth Powell, whose job is to screen prisoners at Abu Ghraib, according to the

documents, recently retired after 24 years with the Mobile, Ala., police force, where

presumably he picked up the skills, and the security clearance, to screen Iraqi prisoners.

Like all the relatives interviewed, his wife, Jackie, said she had not known where in Iraq

he was serving.

Education among all the contract employees varied. Most had some college education; 18 of the 44 had a four-year degree, or more; seven had only a high school diploma. Six of those were CACI employees.
The forms asked tbe workers if they used aliases, and several offered fearsome ones. Kevin Bloodworth, an Air Force veteran from Great Fall, Mont., who is serving as an
interrogator, said he \vas known as Blood. And Timothy Duggan, an interrogator from
Pataskala, Ohio, who said he was 6 feet tall and weighed 225 pounds, offered his alias,
Big Dog.
General Is Said To Have Urged Use of Dogs
Washington Post
May 26,2004
R. Jeffrey Smith
A U.S. Army general dispatched by senior Pentagon officials to bolster the collection of
intelIigence from prisoners in Iraq last fall inspired and promoted the use of gurrrd dogs
there to frighten the Iraqis, according to sworn testimony by the top U.S. intelligence
officer at the Abu Ghraib prison.
According to the officer, Col. Thomas Pappas, the idea came from Maj. Gen. Geoffrey D. Miller, \'\1ho at the time commaI1ded the U. S. militarydctention center at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and was implemented under a policy approved by Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez, the top U.S. military official in Iraq.
"It was a technique I had personally discussed \vith Gcncral Miller, when he was here" visiting the prison, testified Pappas, head of the 205th Military Intelligence Brigade and the officer placed in charge of the cellblocks at Abu Ghraib prison where abuses occurred in the wake of Miller's visit to Baghdad between Aug. 30 and Sept. 9,2003.
"He said that they used military working dogs at Gitmo [the nickname for Guantanamo
Bay], and that they were effective in setting the atmosphere for which, you kno,v, you
could get information" from the prisoners, Pappas told the Army investigator, Maj. Gen.
Antonio M. Taguba, according to a transcript provided to The Washington Post.
Pappas, who was ui1der pressure from Taguba to justify the legality and appropriateness
of using guard dogs to frighten detainees, said at two separate points in the Feb. 9
interview that Miller gave him the idea. He also said Miller had indicated the use of the
dogs "with or without a muzzle" was "okay" in booths where prisoners were taken for
interrogation.
But Miller, whom the Bush administration appointed as the new head of Abu Ghraib this
month, denied through a spokesman that the conversation took place.
"Miller never had a conversation with Colonel Pappas regarding the use of military dogs for interrogation purposes in Iraq. Further, military dogs were never used in interrogations at Guantanamo," said Brig. Gen. J\/1ark Kimmitt, spokesman for U.S. forces in Iraq.
Pappas's statements nonetheless provide the fullest public account to date of how he viewed th~ interrogation mission at Abu Ghraib and Miller's impact on operations there. Pappas said, among other things, that interrogation plans involving the use of dogs,
nnnnnA n1~17Ll
shackling, "making detainees strip down," or similar aggressive measures followed
Sanchez's policy, but \vere often approved by Sanchez's deputy, Maj. Gen. Walter
Wojdakowski, or by Pappas himself.
The claims and counterclaims between Pappas and Miller concern one of the most notorious aspects of U.S. actions at Abu Ghraib, as re\'ealed by Taguba's March 9 report and by pictures taken by military personnel that became public late last month. The pictures show unmuzzled dogs being used to intimidate Abu Ghraib detainees, sometimes while the prisoners are cowering, naked, against a \vall.
Taguba, in a rare classified passage within his generally unclassified report, listed "using military working dogs (without muzzles) to intimidate and frighten detainees" as one of 13 examples of "sadistic, blatant, and '1-ianton criminal abuses" inflicted by U.S. military personnel at Abu Ghraib.
Experts on the laws of war have charged that using dogs to coerce prisoners into
providing information, as was done at Abu Ghraib, constitutes a violation of the Geneva
Conventions that protect civilians under the control of an occupying power, such as the
Iraqi detainees.
"Threatening a prisoner with a ferocious guard dog is no different as a matter of law from pointing a gun at a prisoner's head and ordering him to talk," said James Ross, senior legal adviser at Human Rights Watch. "That's a violation of the Geneva Conventions."
Article 31 of the Fourth Geneva Convention bars use of coercion against protected
persons, and Common Article Three bars any "humiliating and degrading treatment,"
Ross said. Experts do not consider the presence in a prison ofthreatening dogs, by itself,
to constitute torture, but a 1999 United Nations-approved manual lists the "arranging of
conditions for attacks by animals such as dogs" as a "torture method."
But Pappas, who ivas charged with overseeing interrogations at Abu Ghraib involving
those suspected of posing or knowing about threats to U.S. forces in Iraq, told Taguba
that "I did not personally look at that [use of dogs] with regard to the Geneva
Convention," according to the transcript.
Pappas also said he did not have "a program" to inform his civilian employees, including a translator and an interrogator, of what the Geneva Conventions stated, and said he was unaware if anyone else did. He said he did not believe using force to coerce, intimidate or cause fear violated the conventions.
Brig. Gen. Janis L. Karpinski, who commanded the prison guards at Abu Ghraib's cellblocks lA and IB until Nov. 19, when Pappas assumed control, said in an interview that Navy, Army and Air Force dog teams \vere used there for security purposes. But she said military intelligence officers "were responsible for assigning those dogs and vvhere they '1-,-ould go."
DonnOA n1~17&;
Using dogs to intimidate or attack detainees \vas very much against regulations,
Karpinski said. "You cannot use the dogs in that fashion, to attack or be aggressive \\"ith a
detainee.... Why were there guys so willing to take these orders? And \vho \vas giving
the orders? The military intelligence people were in charge of them."

Taguba never intervie\ved Miller or any officer above Kmpinski's rank for his report. Nor
did he conduct a detailed probe of the actions of military intelligence officials. But he
said he suspected that Pappas and several of his colleagues were "either directly or
indirectly responsible for the abuses at Abu Ghraib."

In a Feb. 11 written statement accompanying the transcript, Pappas shifted the

responsibility elsewhere. He said "policies and procedures established by the [Abu

Ghraib] Joint Interrogation and Debriefing Center relative to detainee operations were

enacted as a specific result of a visit" by Miller, who in turn has acknowledged being

dispatched to Baghdad by Undersecretary of Defense Stephen A. Cambonc, after a

conversation \\'ith Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld.

Cambone told lawmakers recently that he wanted Miller to go because he had done a

good job organizing the detention center at Guantanamo Bay, and wanted Miller to help

improve intelligence-gathering in Iraq.

Some senators, however, have noted that the Bush administration considers Guantanamo

detainees exempt from the protections of the Geneva Conventions, and wondered if

Miller brought the same aggressive interrogation ideas with him to Iraq, where the

conventions apply_

When asked at a May 19 Senate hearing if he and his colleagues had "briefed" military

officers in Iraq about specific Guantanamo interrogation techniques that did not comply

with the Geneva Conventions, Miller said no.

He said he brought "our SOPs [standard operating procedures] that \ve had developed for humane detention, interrogation, and intelligence fusion" to Iraq for use as a "starting point." He added that it was up to the officers in Iraq to decide which were applicable and what modifications to make.
But Pappas said the result of Miller's visit was that "the interrogators and analysts developed a set of rules to guide interrogations" and assigned specific military police soldiers to help interrogators --an approach Miller had honed in Guantanamo.
After calling the use of dogs Miller's idea, Pappas explained that "in the execution of
interrogation, and the interrogation business in general, we are trying to get info from these people. We have to act in an environment not to permanently damage them, or psychologically abuse them, but we have to assert control and get detainees into a position where they're \villing to talk to us."
Pappas added that it "would never be my intent that the dog be allowed to bite or in any viay touch a detainee or anybody else." He said he recalled speaking 10 one dog handler and telling him "they could be used in interrogations" anytime according to terms spelled out in a Sept. 14,2003, memo signed by Sanchez.
That memo included the use of dogs among techniques that did not require special approval. The policy was changed on Oct. 12 to require Sanchez's approval on a case-bycase basis for certain techniques, including having "military working dogs" present during interrogations.
That memo also demanded --in what Taguba referred to during the interview as its "fine
print" --that detainees be treated humanely and in accordance with the Geneva'
Conventions.
But Pappas told Taguba that "there would be no way for us to actually monitor \vbetber that bappened. We had no formal system in place to do that --no formal procedure" to check hOVi interrogations were conducted. Moreover, he expressed frustration with a rule that the dogs be muzzled. "It's not very intimidating if they are muzzled," Pappas said. He added that he requested an exemption from the rule at one point, and \vas turned down.
In the interview transcript, Taguba's disdain for using dogs is clear. He asked Pappas if he knew that after a prison riot on Nov. 24, 2003, five dogs \vere "called in to either intimidate or cause fear or stress" on a detainee. Pappas said no, and acknowledged under questioning that such an action \vas inappropriate.
Taguba also asked ifhe believed the use of dogs is consistent with the Army's field manual. Pappas replied that he could not recall, but reiterated that Miller instigated the idea. The Army field manual bars the "exposure to unpleasai1t and inhumane treatment of any kind."
At least four photographs obtained by The Washington Post --each apparently taken in
late October or November --show fearful prisoners near unmuzzled dogs.
One MP charged with abuses, Spec. Sabrina D. Harman, recalled for Army investigators an episode '\vben t\,VO dogs were brought into [cellblock] 1A to scare an inmate. He was naked against the wall, wben they let the dogs corner him. They pulled them back enough, and the prisoner ran ... straight across the floor. ... The prisoner was corner~d and the dog bit his leg. A couple seconds later, he started to move again, and the dog bit his other leg."
Timing of general's departure questioned
USA Today
May 26, 2004 Dave Moniz and Tom Squitieri
Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez is likely to be judged the highest-ranking casualty of a troubled occupation and a corrosive prisoner-abuse scandal, both of which tarnisheclthe year he has been the top U. S. commander in Iraq.
Sanchez, whose pending dep31iure was acknowledged by the Pentagon Monday, is the
highest-ranking officer to come uncler direct scrutiny since the prisoner-abuse scandal at
Iraq's Abu Ghraib prison erupted a month ago.
Pentagon officials say Sanchez's departure has been in the v,:orks for months and is no reflection on his performance in the \var or the scandal. But some military experts say the timing is not coincidental.
"The prison-abuse scandal is a damaging blov\I," says retired Army general Barry McCaffrey, a 1991 Gulf War veteran who has at times been highly critical of the U.S.-led occupation.
Others say Sanchez vvill become a scapegoat for a flagging counterinsurgency campaign that has overshadowed U.S. forces' quick defeat of Saddam Hussein's regime 13 months ago. Loren Thompson, a military analyst at the Lexington Institute in Arlington, Va., says Sanchez was asked to preside over a military occupation in the midst of a chaotic guerrilla campaign that took Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and subordinates completely by surprise.
It is impossible, Thompson says, to separate Sanchez's fate from the difficult
counterinsurgency he was asked to prosecute. "This is just not the kind of war \ve like to
fight," Thompson says.

*
Sanchez has been criticized for issuing an order last November putting military intelligence officers in control of Abu Ghraib. An investigation of prisoner abuse by Army l'vfaj. Gen. Antonio Taguba said the order created friction and confusion that may have contributed to abuses by prison guards.

*
Sanchez signed a memo Oct. 12,2003, that called for military intelligence officers (0 work closely with military police at the prison to "manipulate an internee's emotions and weaknesses."

*
Sanchez admitted in Senate testimony last week that he had not seen Red Cross
warnings about prisoner abuses in Iraq that were sent months before the abuses at Abu
Ghraib came to light.

The Pentagon said Tuesday that Sanchez's replacement has not been chosen. But a former high-ranking military officer with direct knowledge of the selection process said it will be Gen. George Casey, the Army's vice chief of staff. Casey, the Army's second-highestranking general, is regarded by his peers as among the most competent leaders in the Army. He is also close to Abizaid, who commands all u.s. forces in the Middle East.
The Lexington Institute's Thompson says Sanchez was handicapped by Rumsfeld's desire to prove that a "transformed" military could quickly win wars with relatively small numbers of troops and new thinking. "Instead," Thompson says, "they didn't understand the country, they didn't have good intelligence and they did not commit enough forces."
General Advised on Use of Dogs
In Iraq Prison, Army Report Says
1f/all Street Journal
May 26,2004
David S. Cloud and Greg Jaffe
The U.S. Army general overseeing the Iraqi prison system advised a senior officer at Abu Ghraib prison last summer that using military dogs during interrogations was effective at getting prisoners to divulge information, according to people who have reviewed testimony in still-secret annexes of the Army report by Major General Antonio Taguba.
Major General Geoffrey Miller's suggestion that dogs helped produce successful interrogations led Col. Thomas Pappas, the senior intelligence officer at Abu Ghraib, to use the technique against Iraqi prisoners, Col. Pappas told Army investi gators, according to two people familiar with his statement.
Col. Pappas's account, if accurate, is significant because it would indicate a larger role by senior Army officers than the Pentagon has acknowledged in putting in place coercive interrogation practices that later figured in abuse ofprisoners.
Gen. Miller, who was appointed earlier this year to oversee all detainees under U.S. Army custody in Iraq, said through a spokesman that he does not remember mentioning
DODDOA 01317Q
use of dogs to Col. Pappas during a visit to Iraq in late August and early September. lilt'S
not something he ever recalls discussing with Col. Pappas, certainly 110t for use in any
interrogations," said the spokesman, Lt. Col. Barry Johnson.
But a soldier in Col. Pappas's unit, the 2051h military intelligence brigade, said in an
interview with The Wall Street Journal that he had been told that Col. Pappas and Gen.
Miller had discussed the merits of using dogs in interrogations during this period.
It remains unclear how extensively dogs were used against prisoners at Abu Ghraib.
Pentagon officials say that L1. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, the top U.S. commander in Iraq,
had to personally approve use of dogs against any prisoner and that muzzles \vere
mandatory. The officials say he never gave such approval.
But on Nov. 30, Col. Pappas sent a memo to Gen. Sanchez asking for permission to use "barking dogs," among other techniques, against a prisoner, according to an official Vv'ho has read the memo. In one photograph taken at the prison in Decem ber a naked prisoner cowers while two leashed but unmuzzled dogs growl at him, according 10 an official who has seen the memo. A second photo shows the prisoner lying on the floor bleeding, apparently after being bitten.
Col. Pappas, \I,;ho has declined all requests for interviews, appears to have an incentive
for attributing coercive techniques used at Abu Ghraib to senior officers. The report by
Gen. Taguba recommends that Col. Pappas be reprimanded fOL among other allegations,
failing to ensure his soldiers followed rules governing permissible interrogation
techniques.
At the time he went to Iraq, Gen. Miller was commanding the U.S. detention facility at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Pentagon officials, worried about the growing insurgency in Iraq and the poor results of interrogations, sent him to Iraq to examine the prisons there and recommend changes. During his trip, he visited Abu Ghraib, where Col. Pappas moved his headquarters in September.
Col. Pappas said in the classified annex to the Army's Taguba report that his soldiers used dogs with and without muzzles in the prison when interrogating prisoners, the officials said. Dogs were used in interrogations at Guantanamo but they were always muzzled, a soldier familiar \vith procedures there said.
Explaining the decision not to use muzzles sometimes at Abu Ghraib, Col. Pappas said,
"It's not very intimidating if they're muzzled," according to one of the officials with
knowledge ofthe statement. Co!. Pappas said that dogs were ahvays kept on leashes, the
official said.
At least two Army dog handlers have told investigators that, despite their own reservations, they were ordered by Col. Pappas's unit to use unmuzzled dogs against Abu Ghraib detainees, according to the officials vV'ho have reviewed the report.
Gen, Miller told lavv'makers last week that following his Iraq visit he laid out recommendations to military leaders on hmv to better collect intelligence and conduct interrogations. Throughout September and early October, military la\\'yers and intelligence officers drafted four sets of rules for interrogating prisoners, the last of \\'hich \vas adopted in mid-October. Gen. Miller's rules from Guantanamo \vere used as a framework for crafting the new guidelines, senior military officials have said,
But officials said they realized that practices employed at Guantanamo, \vhere prisoners
are not covered by the Geneva Conventions, were not appropriate in all cases in Iraq,
where the prisoners were entitled to at least partial protection of the treLlties.
One soldier who was involved in interrogations at Abu Ghraib said that with each new
draft, the rules seemed to put more restrictions on what soldiers could do to detainees.
For example, initially soldiers could force prisoners to assume stress positions, such as holding their arms above their heads in the open sun for more than an hour, without the approval of the commanding general, the soldier said. By late October, such tactics could only be used with the commander's approval.
"Things did get stricter betv\'een the September rules and the October rules," this soldier
said.
In his investigation, Gen, Taguba questioned Col. Pappas extensively about the
requirement that Gen, Sanchez's approval was needed for dogs and whether the rules
specified they should be muzzled, said the people who have seen the report. Col. Pappas
does not respond directly, one of the officials said, but he does say using dogs 'l\"as a
procedure that he had discussed with Gen. Miller.
Scandal Derailed Plans for Ground Commander in Iraq Lt. Gen. Sanchez had been due to assume a new post. NOlv he's the Army's odd man out.
Los Angeles Times
May 26, 2004
John Hendren
The Abu Ghraib prison abuse scandal upset Pentagon plans to reshuffle a group of generals this summer, leaving Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, the top ground commander in Iraq, v"ithout a clear-cut assignment, officials said Tuesday,
Defense officials had planned to shift Sanchez as well as the Army's vice chief of staff and a top aide to Defense Secretary Donald E, Rumsfeld into new positions, But they were forced to tear up the plan and start over after the prison scandal grew, creating political and operational obstacles, officials said.
Sanchez was to take over the Southern Command, a post in which he would have
overseen U.S. forces throughout Central and South America and the Caribbean,
according to a senior Defense official who spoke on condition of anonymity.
That job requires Senate confirmation, a process that Defense officials feared \;vould drag on because of continuing congressional questions about hov/ some members of the U.S. military treated detainees in Iraq. Though not faulting Sanchez, a three-star general, Defense officials said that lingering questions might have delayed Senate approval of the fourth star required for the higher command.
"This is not reilective of Sanchez's role in any of this," the senior Defense official said.
"It's just prudent, common sense that you're not going to get him through the
confirmation process until next year. So now what do you do \vith SouthCom? Once you
pull someone out, the \vhole daisy chain shifts."
Under the original Pentagon plan, Lt. Gen. Bantz 1. Craddock, a three-star general who is a close Rumsfeld ally and aide, was to be nominated for a fourth star and would have taken over a command in Iraq. With Sanchez temporarily sidelined, Pentagon officials opted to send Craddock to the Southern Command and send four-star Gen. George W. Casey, the second-in-command of the Army, to head a new, higher-ranked billet that will replace Sanchez's post in Iraq. Assignments ofthree-and four-star officers must be approved by the Senate. .
Other military sources suggested that revisions in the current Pentagon plan for the generals \'v'ere still possible. Under a scenario outlined by a former military official familiar v/ith the plan to turn over sovereignty to Iraq next month, Craddock vmuld take Casey's post as the No.2 uniformed Army official and Pentagon officials would continue to press Sanchez for the SouthCom post, relying on his appeal as the highest-ranking Latino in the military.
In either case, the delicate minuet would shift Casey out of the Army's No.2 uniformed post after less than a year, and put a respected commander in Iraq, the most sensitive conimand outside the United States. Casey has worked Volith Rumsfeld as director of the Joint Staff since January 2003 and has allies on Capitol Hill. Although Pentagon officials have insisted that the shuffle is part of normal rotation of officers, it comes as the administration is suffering from sinking approval ratings at home and \vaves of criticism abroad.
"If something isn't working and you think the strategy is sound, the logical assumption is t11at the people who are executing it are the problem," said analyst Loren Thompson of the Lexington Institute, an Arlington, Va., public policy group.
Sanchez, who rose from poverty to become a high-ranking Army officer, has won loyal allies among his colleagues. Raised two miles from the Mexican border in Rio Grande City, Texas, Sanchez was recently named by Hispanic magazine as Hispanic of the Year.
"I would just say that Rick Sanchez has had the hardest job in the U.S. Army over the last year-plus," said retired Army Maj. Gen. William Nash, now a military analyst at the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington. "And that he's been faced with trying to make a coherent operation out of a lot 0 f incoherent parts."
Nash said Sanchez, who also has endured criticism for the rekindled Iraqi insurgency, had to deal with insufficient numbers of troops, shifting political guid~lJ1ce and the U.S.led Coalition Provisional Authority, which Nash said was "less than fully organized and fully in command."
Military officials hope a ne,\! command structure \vill improve communication between the military leadership in Iraq and the U.S. civilian presence, which will be transformed from the occupation authority to an embassy.
Military and civilian officials in Baghdad and Washington have described persistent friction between L. Paul Bremer III, the U.S. civilian administrator in Iraq, and the military leaders -Sanchez and his superior, Gen. John Abizaicl, head of the U. S. Central Command.
"Now, it couldn't be worse," said one official who recently left the coalition authority,
speaking on condition of anonymity. "Nobody talks to anybody."

Army Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez will be replaced in June or July, said U.S. officials, who suggested that Army Chief of Staff Gen. George Casey is the most likely candidate to replace Gen. Sanchez.
"There has been no final decision on a replacement, but General Casey is a top candidate," one official told Reuters. Other officials, saying the change of command \,vas not a result of revelations about prisoner abuse, noted that Gen. Sanchez \vas due for a rotation ofduty after 13 months of commanding in Baghdad.
Also yesterday, the Army suspended Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski as commander of the military police brigade implicated in the abuse of Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib.
Gen. Karpinski and other officers in the 800th Military Police Brigade were faulted by Army investigators for paying too little attention to day-to-day operations at Abu Ghraib and for not moving firmly enough to discipline soldiers for violating standard procedures.
Seven U.S. soldiers have been charged with physically and sexually abusing and
humiliating Iraqi detainees at the prison near Baghdad.
At the Pentagon, Larry Di Rita, chief spokesman for Defense Secretary Donald I-I.
Rumsfeld, said both Mr. Rumsfeld and Gen. Richard B. l\·1yers, chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff, "are very impressed with the work General Sanchez performed from the
very beginning" of his service in Iraq.
President Bush yesterday praised Gen. Sanchez at an Oval Office event.
"Rick Sanchez has done a fabulous job," Mr. Bush said of the general. "I--Ie's been there
for a long time. I-lis service has been exemplary."
Gen. Sanchez testified before a Senate committee last week on the Abu Ghraib abuse
scandal and took responsibility.
Meanwhile, officials said yesterday the Army is planning to send into combat thousands
of soldiers whose normal job it is to play the role of the "enemy" at training ranges in
California and Louisiana.
The Pentagon also is considering adding anotIm-National Guard brigade, the 155th Separate Armored Brigade from Mississippi, to Iraq in the next rotation of ground forces, other Army officials said.
About 2,500 soldiers from the 11 th Armored Cavalry Regiment, which serves as a professional enemy force at the National Training Center at Fort Irwin, Calif., will be deployed to Iraq, officials said, as will the 1 st Battalion ofthe 509th Infantry, \vhich plays a similar role in training at Fort Polk, La.
Press wrestles with grim clips; Media extensively cover the prison scandal while
rejecting the most obscene images.
Christian Science Monitor
May 26, 2004
Randy Dotinga
Buffeted by a roiling debate over explicit images of violence, American news organizations are walking a fine line between good journalism and bad form as they try to cover the war in Iraq without alienating readers and viev,.:ers.
Should they listen to commentators demanding the broadcast of the unedited video of Nicholas Berg's execution? Is it time to downplay the prison-abuse photos to help protect US soldiers, or time for the media to throw all its unpublished images onto the Internet?
Mainstream newspapers and major TV networks have been groping for a middle ground as they cover both the prison-abuse scandal and war casualties ""hile rejecting the 1110st violent and obscene images.
Some TV ne\vs programs chose to show the moment ,,,'hen Mr. Berg's killer pulled out a knife before killing the visiting American. But none showed the decapitation itself. And The Washington Post, which published another round of prison-abuse pictures on Friday, has declined to run dozens of photos for a variety of reasons, in some cases because they're too sexual or violent. "These are human beings, and \ve're trying to be jUdicioLls," says execLltive editor Leonard Downie 1r.
But those efforts haven't quelled controversy over the volatile images, according to a new Christian Science Monitor/TIPP survey and other polls. Many Americans support the media's \vatchdog role of investigating and exposing prisoner abuse, ,vhile others worry that repeated display of shocking photos may cross boundaries of propriety at home or prompt new attacks on Americans abroad.
In seeking the right balance, mainstream news organizations are grappling not only with their own traditions but with emerging rivals, such as the Internet and talk radio.
Vaughn Ververs, editor of The Hotline, National Journal's online political newsletter, argues that the press is in danger of becoming irrelevant, with so many people turning to the Internet -where the Berg video is enormously popular -in search of the most complete ,\'ar coverage. News organizations are "no longer the gatekeepers of what Americans see and don't see," says Mr. Ververs. "They're at risk of losing their audience to a large extent."
The quandary of what to show
Still, the media outlets playa gatekeeper role, weighing what a general audience,
including children, should see.
The Post is especially cautious about what it puts on the front page, Mr. Dov,:nie says.
Indeed, many newspapers have chosen to stuff the most shocking photos inside, where
they're often smaller and in black-and-white. In California, The Sacramento Bee ran a
warning on the front page about explicit material on an inside page.
The Christian Science Monitor, too, has been careful in passing disturbing images along to readers.
"We ask ourselves what is truly new information, whether it is still news by the time we publish, and whether publishing amounts to facing an important issue or simply wallowing in the depiction of suffering or causing further harm to the victims," says Monitor editor Paul Van Slambrouck. "All this means ,ve've been highly selective and used images only when essential to the meaning of the story."
Standards are different in the radio world, even amid an industrywide crackdown on explicit programming in the wake of the Janet Jackson's breast-exposing incident during the Super Bowl. Local and national radio talk-show hosts, including Fox News commentator and bestselling author Sean Hannity, aired the unedited audio of the Berg video, complete v'lith the victim's gruesome screams. "I know you don't want to hear this. But you should make yourself hear it, because it is ". evil in your midst," Mr. Hannity said.
Along a similar vein, Laura Schlessinger, the radio psychologist known as "Dr. Laura," told listeners last week that high-school students should, \vith parental permission, watch the Berg video to better understand the war.
Little \vony of tampering with history
Newsroom denizens do say there's one thing they're not worrying about -the effect of the Iraqi images on world events. "It doesn't enter into the consideration at all, 8nd it shouldn't," said veteran reporter Terence Smith, correspondent for "The NewsHour vvith Jim Lehrer" on PBS. "What \V'e're trying to do is report the ne\vs and what's going on, not affect the war effort one way or another. And it would be very hard to decide vvhat the ultimate impact of these photos will be."
According to a Monitor/TIPP poll finished last \veek, most Americans have another
perspective. Some 52 percent disapprove ofthe release ofthe prison-abuse photos. A
similar question in a CBS NeViS poll found 43 percent objecting to the images' release.
And forty-nine percent of those polled by CBS said the media spent too much time on
prisoner-abuse stories.
While those numbers suggest antipathy toward, or at least frustration with, the press,
ombudsmen at five daily newspapers -in Houston, Sacramento, San Francisco, Seattle,
and Tucson, Ariz; -report that the most graphic images from Iraq spawned only mild to
moderate interest among readers. There's much more uproar when papers tinker vvith TV
listings, the comics, or the crossword puzzle.
Houston Chronicle reader representative James T. Campbell says liberals wanted to see
more prison photos, while conservatives clamored for more images of Berg to sho\'I'
terrorists are "barbarians."( c) Copyright 2004. The Christian Science Monitor
Why a,'e they smiling?
The stresses of,Yar can distort morality and draw out the worst in human nature,
psychologists say, but sadistic behavior is not inevitable.
Clzristi(lJ1 Science lvf onitor
May 26, 2004
G. Jeffrey :\1acDonald
The camera doesn't lie, but it does raise a troubling question: As human beings are treated like animals, why is this "girl next door" smiling?
That question continues to haunt a disbelieving American public which in April gasped to see a photo of GI Lynndie England cheerily leading around a naked Iraqi prisoner on a
DODDOA 0131RR
leash at Abu Ghraib prison. Apparently ordinary guys, too, posed -with smiles -beside
men they'd allegedly beaten and piled high in a pyramid to get them to talk. Just
folloVv'ing orders, some said, yet the question remains: WIlY such happy faces?
Psychologists, theologians, and a journalist who researched war for years hold that, under certain conditions, otherwise ordinary people can be susceptible to adopting a warped mentality in which they take pleasure in another's suffering -also known as sadism.
What, exactly, causes some people to engage in sadistic behavior is something of a mystery, they say. But most cite the strangeness of a war zone, where otbenvise honorable people -awash in feelings of duty, camaraderie, and revenge -sometimes lose the moral compass that guided their behavior in their former lives.
Two main theories abound on such cruelty: One is that vvar can make good people
callous, even sinister; the other is that everyone already is a bit cruel, and war just tends
to bring out the vvorst of it.
The fiery emotions of war and a foreign environment can conspire to lov-ler moral
inhibitions, says one psychologist who has studied people's justifications for evil and
violent behavior. In extreme cases, they may even transform honorable young men and
'Nomen into hardened characters who can induce pain without remorse.
"Personalities can become quite different," says Arthur Miller, a Miami University
(Ohio) social psychologist and editor ofthe new book "The Social Psychology of Good
and Evil." "As you victimize other people, you convince yourself you're doing a good
thing or else you go crazy. When this person returns, their families in fact are not seeing
the person they knew."
Others, however, say extreme conditions can bring to the fore irascible tendencies
common to some young adults, and the mission in war -to get the job done -might at
times cause a certain degree of sadism.
"You've got to see the enemy as less than human," says Lance Morrow, a former Time Magazine journalist who interviewed Serbian warlords for his 2003 book "Evil: An Investigation." "Glee expresses your pO\:ver. The glee evident at Abu Ghraib is part of a parading ofpmver over powerlessness. It's aimed at breaking down the suspect by giving them a sense of powerlessness.... [But] glee in wartime also covers up fear."
Mr. Morrow regards soldiers' conduct at Abu Ghraib as "terrible" and "stupid" but not
"evil," since he says these humiliation tactics hardly rival the ruthless killing sprees he observed in Rwanda or Bosnia in the 1990s. In fact, stories of warriors who enjoy inflicting torture have dotted accounts from Attila the Hun to Adolf Hitler, although the spying eye of a camera -and its strange ability to forge a smile anytime -is relatively new.
Nonetheless, incidents documented at Abu Ghraib do constitute "sadism," according to
other sources for this story, and might shed light on a seldom-studied side of human
behavior.
As for the ordinary person's propensity for sadism, psychologists have no choice but to cite studies dating from 25 years ago. That's because ethical regulations have for decades prohibited researchers from encouraging cruel behavior or even a simulation of it. The result is a dearth of fresh data to explain how sadistic behavior can become habitual for other-wise good people, as the multitude of theories in psychology and elsewhere can attest.
James Waller, social psychologist at Whitman College and author of "Becoming Evil: How Ordinary People Commit Genocide and Mass Killing," says soldiers called upon to humiliate the enemy must either learn to relish the task or run the risk of being paralyzed by guilt.
"The [victim] dehumanization process occurs because the perpetrator needs it to commit these atrocities," Mr. Waller says. "It becomes easier for them to do what they do if they buy into the justification that this person fully deserves \vhat they're getting. In fact, in this alternative moral universe, it would be an act of injustice not to belittle and abuse them."
Getting to that point, Waller says, depends on accepting rhetoric that equates the enemy with vermin -in tbis case, perceiving them as terrorists who measure up as sub-human and worthy of annihilation. Yet even with such ample rhetoric in mind, he says, a person may hesitate until he or she completes a first act of brutality, which "opens a floodgate" of base human behavior.
Crossing that threshold, which can seem unthinkable from an outside perspective, tends
to occur when an individual feels bound to a group and compelled to adhere to group
standards, Dr. Miller says. He cites a 1960s study in which Yale psychologist Stanley
Milgram showed that ordinary people, when instructed by an authority figure, will
administer seemingly deadly shock "therapies" to a stranger. Another study by Philip
Zimbardo at Stanford University in 1971 ended abruptly because subjects, simulating
prison guards, "became sadistic."
Still, the mystery lingers: Why the enjoyment in watching others suffer? Perhaps glee merely covers up fear or shame beneath the pressures ohvar. But theologians quickly cast the indictment \vider. Some see humankind perpetually struggling with a dark desire to wish enemies humiliated and to laugh when they are.
Even a professor of moral theology knows the sadistic impulse from personal experience. Thomas Massaro of \VestonJesuit School ofTheology recalls driving in the Bronx years ago vvhen another driver cut him off. Further up the road, he saw the same driver had crashed into a pole. His first reaction was gleeful: "At least for a minute, I said, 'Ha! I hope he has expensive damage to his car!' "
Professor Massaro soon repented for wishing another ill, but not before gaining a new insight: The thirst for revenge includes a longing to laugh at the \vrongdoer's misfortllne.
"These are inmates suspected of having shot at US soldiers," Massaro says. "These [guards] at Abu Ghraib could have had friends killed by these enemies." To resist the desire to degrade and dehumanize is the moral imperative, he says, but doing so in certain settings requires an uncommonly steely \/v·ill.
Some personalities, too, might be more prone to sadism than others, psychologists suggest. To reduce the likelihood of sadism among its prison guards, Maryland uses a personality inventory to screen out those with "a tendency to do bad things and nasty things," says William Sondervan, former Maryland commissioner of corrections and 110W director of professional development for the American Correctional Association.
Even after a screening, however, tensions can lead to temptations. In Maryland's rural prisons, 77 percent of inmates are African-Americans from urban areas, while 99 percent of gllards are whites from the local vicinity. When an HIV -positive inmate splashes a guard with his urine, blood, or feces, Mr. Sonden'an says, guards can be tempted to take pleasure in striking back. But those who can't control that impulse are reprimanded or fired.
"People who do those things tend to get weeded out," Sondervan says.
In military settings such as Abu Ghraib, however, staffing shortages can preclude the luxury of personality screening -and sadistic behavior can result. People who have a high opinion of themselves but feel easily threatened are quickest to become enraged and to delight in seeing the offender suffer, Miller says. "Then you have the mix that can really be devastating."
Whether personality is a major factor in manifesting sadism among ordinary people is a
matter of debate. Waller, for one, questions whether personality should even be
considered as a factor.

Not everyone, sources agree, will succumb even to the strongest pressures to behave sadistically. Army soldier Joseph Darby, who reported the abuse at Abu G11raib to his commander, chose to resist even though it meant he might be labeled a traitor. Yet in the aftermath of Sept. 11, it seems an angry America in search of security may have lessened the vigilance against cruelty.
"After 9111, there came a mentality that said, 'We cannot afford to be nice. We have to do whatever it takes to find these people and bring down Osama bin Laden,' "Morrow says. "It seems to me that this is the atmosphere v,,'here these things may occur."(c) Copyright 2004. The Christian Science Monitor
US Denies General's Move Is Reprimand
Financial Times
May 26,2004
Peter Spiegel
US officials yesterday insisted the decision to replace the American general in charge of coalition forces in Iraq this summer is part of a normal rotation of commanders rather than a reprimand for the escalating prisoner abuse scandal.
Lieutenant General Ricardo Sanchez, who has been the top US general on tbe ground for more than a year, has come under intense pressure in recent weeks following reports that he may have been aware of interrogation tactics used by American soldiers at Baghdad's notorious Abu Ghraib prison. The Pentagon has denied any prior knov/ledge by Gen Sanchez.
"Rick Sanchez is doing a fabulous job," President George W. Bush said yesterday. "He's
been there for a long time. His service has been exemplary."
However, the timing of the Pentagon's announcement, coupled with reports that Gen Sanchez may not get his expected next assignment -a promotion to head US Southern Command, which oversees all operations in Latin America -has led to speculation that the general is being punished for the Abu Ghraib scandal.
Separately, Bhgadier General Janis Karpinski, the commander of the military police
brigade responsible for manning Abu Ghraib, was suspended this week from her job
pending the completion of investigations.

Administration officials and military leaders were eager to shoot dov.;n speculation that
Gen Sanchez is being punished.
"We typically keep our combat commanders in theatre for a year," said Brigadier General Mark Kimmitt, the US military spokesman in Baghdad.
"We have always expected Gen Sanchez to depart some time after transfer of sovereignty. My personal expectation was, like me, he would be departing some time in tbe June time period," he said.
Gen Sanchez is expected to be replaced this summer by General George Casey, vice chief of staff of the army.
\VIRES
U.S. Army survey cites wider prisoner abuse-NYT.
Reuters
. May 26, 2004 A U.S, Army synopsis of deaths and mistreatment involving prisoners in American custody in Iraq and Afghanistan shows a pattern of abuse im'olving more military units than previously knov/I1, The New York Times reported on \Vednesday,
The summary, dated May 5, was prepared by the Criminal Investigation Command at the request of Army officials, according to the newspaper.
It outlines the status of investigations into 36 cases, including the continuing probe into the abuses at Abu Ghraib prison on the outskirts of Baghdad, the paper said,
The Iraq cases date back to April 2003, the Times reported. In an incident reported to have taken place last month, a prisoner detained by Navy commandos died in a suspected case of homicide blamed on "blunt force trauma to the torso and positional asphyxia," the paper said.
The U.S. forces' treatment of prisoners has come under scrutiny because of revelations
about the physical and sexual abuse ofIraqi inmates at the Abu Ghraib prison. Seven

U.S. soldiers have been charged with abusing Iraqi prisoners there,
In a speech on Tuesday, U.S. President George W. Bush said the prison "became a
symbol of disgraceful conduct by a few American troops who dishonored our country
and disregarded our values," and said the notorious prison would be demolished as a
"symbol ofIraq's new beginning."

One of the oldest cases listed in the May 5 document involves the death of a prisoner in
Afghanistan in December 2002, the paper said.

The document said enlisted personnel from a military intelligence unit at Fort Bragg, North Carolina, and an Army Reserve military-police unit from Ohio are thought to have been "involved at various times in assaulting and mist~eating the detainee," according to the Times.
Members of the 223rd Military Intelligence Battalion, which is part of the California National Guard, \-vere accused of abusing Iraqi detainees last spring in Samarra, north of Baghdad, the Times reported.
The Army summary said the unidentified enlisted personnel "forced into asphyxiations numerous detainees in an attempt to obtain information" over a 1 O-week period, according to the paper.
U.S. general linked to use of dogs at prison-Post.
Reuters
May 26, 2004
The U.S. Army general sent by the Pentagon to bolster the collection of intelligence from prisoners at Abu Ghraib is said to have urged the use of guard dogs to frighten Iraqis detainees, The Washington Post reported on Wednesday, citing sworn testimony by the
top U.S. intelligence officer at the prison.
Col. Thomas Pappas testified that the idea came from "tvlaj. Gen. Geoffrey Miller, then commander of the U.S. detention center at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and \vas implemented under a policy approved by Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, the top U.S. military officer in Iraq, the newspaper reported.
Senior defense officials said on Tuesday that Sanchez \,-,as being replaced as the U.S.
commander in Iraq. But they argued the change was not triggered by the Abu Glm3ib
Iraqi prisoner abuse scandal.
According to a transcript obtained by The Washington Post, Pappas told the Army
investigator, I'vlaj. Gen. Antonio Taguba: "It was a technique I had personally discussed
with General Miller, when he \vas here" visiting the prison.
"He said that they used military working dogs at Gitmo, and that they \I·icre effective in
setting the atmosphere for which, you know, you could get information" from the
prisoners, Pappas said in the testimony.
Miller, who assumed command of Abu Ghraib this month, denied through a spokesman
that the conversation took place, the newspaper said.
"Miller never had a conversation \vith Colonel Pappas regarding the use of military dogs
for interrogation purposes in Iraq. Further, military dogs were never used in
interrogations at Guantanamo," Brig. Gen. Mark Kimmitt, spokesman for U.S. forces in
Iraq, told the Post.

According to the Post, Pappas testified that interrogation plans involving the use of dogs,
shackling, "making detainees strip down," or similar aggressive measures followed
Sanchez's policy, but were often approved by Sanchez's deputy, Maj. Gen. Walter
Wojdakowski, or by Pappas himself.

At least four photographs from Abu Ghraib obtained by The Washington Post show
fearful prisoners near unmuzzled dogs.
Sergeant Disciplined for Speaking of Abuse
Associated Press
May 25, 2004
David Rising
A U.S. Army sergeant who gave an insider's view of Abu Ghraib prison to the media has lost his security clearance and has been disciplined by the military [or speaking out, he told The Associated Press on Tuesday.
Sgt. Samuel Provance said that although soldiers he served with in IraC] were treating him as a pariah, he would not change a thing if given a second chance.
"My soldiers who were at Abu Ghraib are so scared noVY' they're not even talking to me
anymore --I'm like a villain, but would I do it again? Of course I yvould, because I stand
behind \vhat I said," Provance said in a telephone interview from Heidelberg, Germany,
where his military intelligence unit is based.
"I knew \vhat was being reported was not true."
Provance, 30, is with the 302nd Military Intelligence Battalion, a unit of the 205th Military Intelligence Brigade, which has been implicated in the abuse at Abu Ghraib. The scandal broke after photographs were made public of U.S. soldiers abusing prisoners, sparking worldv,'ide outrage.
Unlike early reports suggesting the abuses were failings by individual soldiers, Provance
told the AP and other media outlets that interrogators at the prison viewed sleep
deprivation, stripping inmates naked and threatening them with dogs as normal ways of
dealing with "the enemy."
Provance, who was in charge of a computer network at the prison for five months ending in February, said he had not seen abuse himself but was told about it by interrogators.
Provance, of Williamsburg, Va., was notified by the Army that he was an official witness in the case after the scandal broke, and on May 14, his company commander ordered him not to talk with anyone about what he had seen, he said.
Instead, he decided he would give interviews to set the record straight.
"I wanted to make sure I got out what I could in what time I had before I was silenced at
a higher level," he said. "I'm standing behind my First Amendment right to free speech,
and it's a matter of does the constitution have more \veight than a company level
commander. "
On Friday, Provance \vas called before his battalion commander, who yanked his
clearance to work at top secret sites and administratively "flagged" him, meaning he
cannot receive honors, awards or seek promotion until the status is removed.
An Army official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, confirmed from Washington that Provance lost his security clearance and faces other disciplinary action for discussing the investigation with the media.
In Germany, a spokesman for V Corps, \vhich oversees Provance's unit, said he knew of no disciplinary action, but that the sergeant had been ordered not to talk to the media.
"The last word I got is that he was given an order Ilotto talk with anyone about the case while the investigation was ongoing, and if any type of action was levied against him, it vv"ould be a result of him not obeying that order," said Lt. Col. Kevin Gainer. "It could compromise the whole investigation by putting out information and maybe inOuencing others."
Provance said he has been in the Army for five years and would like to stay, but that it might not be possible.
"I like the Army, the Army is a great organization, it's just there are individuals within it that screw it up," he said. "I would like to believ'e I ha\'e a future in the army, but I clon't know \\lhat's going to come out of this."
Pentagon to replace top U.S. commander in Iraq.
Reuters
May 25,2004
Charles Aldinger

The Pentagon will replace Army Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez as the top U.S. military officer in Iraq, senior defense officials said on Tuesday. But they argued that the change was not triggered by the Abu Ghraib Iraqi prisoner abuse scandal.
Gen. George Casey, Army vice chief of staff, has emerged as the top candidate to replace Sanchez in Baghdad in June or July, said the officials, \vho asked not to be identified.
"There has been no final decision on a replacement, but Gen. Casey is a top candidate," one official said.
"This has absolutely nothing to do with Abu Ghraib." added another defense official. "The secretary (Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld) is very mindful that the perception (ofpunishment) might arise. But it simply is not the case."
Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski, who was in charge of U.S.-run prisons in Iraq during the abuse, has been suspended as commander of the military police brigade at the heart ofthe scandal.
Seven U.S. soldiers have been charged with physically and sexually abusing and humiliating Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib in a scandal that has inflamed tbe Arab \vorld and undermined U.S. efforts in the country before the handover on June 30 to an interim Iraqi government.
President George W. Bush praised Sanchez.
"Rick Sanchez has done a fabulous job. He's been there for a long time. His service has been exemplary," Bush said in response to a question from reporters at the White House.
But defense analyst Loren Thompson of the Lexington Institute, \\'ho has close
connections to the Pentagon, said, "You'd have to be pretty naive to think that the
problems with abuse of detainees had no impact at all on this decision."
The defense officials offered no explanation other than that Sanchez had served the
normal year-long rotation in Iraq.
SANCHEZ TOOK RESPONSIBILITY
Sanchez testified before a Senate committee last week on the scandal and took
responsibility for the abuse because it happened during his time as commander. But he
said he was not aViare of the abuse while it ',,'as happening and moved quickly to
investigate after learning about it.
"The secretary and the chairman (Gen. Richard Myers, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff) both believe from \vhat they understand now that Gen. Sanchez bandIed the matter of Abu Ghraib in a very professional matter," said LavvTence Oi Rita, Rumsfeld's chief spokesman.
Sanchez is being considered for an appointment to head the U.S. Southern Command in
Miami, a post carrying the fourth star of a full general, officials said.
Casey is a full general, and Rumsfeld has for months been considering making a four-star general the overall commander in Iraq, responsible for the broad direction of coalition military affairs while a three-star general handles day-to-day military operations. Lt. Gen. Thomas Metz serves in that capacity.
Thompson doubted replacing Sanchez was intended to make him the scapegoat in the
Abu Ghraib scandal, but said Pentagon leaders were "recognizing the fact that some
atrocious behavior occurred while he was in command, and that has probably shaken
their confidence in his suitability for the higher job."
Thompson said numerous problems have been associated with Sanchez's tenure as top
commander in Iraq since June 2003, as he has faced the difficult task of defeating an
1l1surgency.
"Look at all the problems Sanchez has faced: a flav,:ed strategy, dreadfully inaccurate intelligence, inadequate forces on the ground, flagging domestic support, and a political leadership that seems to have multiple agendas above and beyond simply defeating the insurgents," Thompson said.
"This is not a prescription for success. Gen. George Patton (the respected American World 'Var Two commander) would be at a loss to have to deal with these kinds of problems."
EDITORIALS
Abuse by Outsourcing
Washington Post
May 26, 2004
AMONG THE MANY disturbing aspects of the abuse at Abu Ghraib prison is the involvement of private contractors in conducting interrogations. Contractors are playing a widening role in the military, and never more so than in the Vlar in Iraq. Private-sector workers feed and house U.S. troops, maintain sophisticated weapon systems and provide security for the Coalition Provisional Authority. Their grO\ving involvement, and the consequent blurring of military and private roles, was brought home horrifically in March v'lith the murder and mutilation of four security guards employed by Blackwater USA
But privatized interrogation is troubling on a whole nevv' level. Testifying before the
Senate Armed Services Committee, Lt. Gen. Lance L. Smith said 37 contract
interrogators were working for the military in Iraq. The revelation underscores the need
for rigorous debate about their proper function in wartime, their position in the chain of
command and the law's that govern their activities.
Interrogating prisoners is a sensitive function, one that needs to be conducted under
clearly delineated rules by people who are properly trained and supervised and, if
necessary, subject to punishment. As the country is learning, uniformed personnel don't
always meet those criteria. But private citizens are not appropriate for the job.
Maj. Gen. Antonio M. Taguba, who investigated conditions at Abu Ghraib, testified tbat guards at the prison viewed the contractors as having "competent authority" to direct their activities. His report found that Steven A. Stefano\Nicz, a contract interrogator for CACI International Inc., an Arlington-based company, "clearly knew his instructions equated to physical abuse" and concludes that Mr. Stefanowicz and John Israel, a civilian interpreter, "were either directly or indirectly responsible for the abuses." Gen. Taguba recommended that Mr. Stefanowicz be reprimanded, fired and stripped of his security clearance.
While seven soldiers have been charged in connection with the abuses, however, the process appears to be notably slower as it applies to the private contractors, who are not subject to military discipline. The Taguba report has been complete for months, yet there is no indication that any prosecutorial activity was in the works before the abuses became public. It wasn't until late last week that the Justice Department said it had opened a criminal investigation of a civilian contractor.
Congress presciently enacted the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act in 2000 in an effort to cover such crimes, but the law has scarcely been used and has significant gaps. For one thing, it applies only to U.S. citizens; Gen. Taguba said that two translators involved in abuses vvere from third countries. It also only applies to contractors \vorking for the military --not other government agencies. Rep. Martin T. Meehan CD-Mass.) introduced a measure last week to close those loopholes.
Meantime, CACI's contract with the Army is administered by the Interior Department and is so vaguely v/orded that it gave no indication the company would ultimately be called on to supply interrogators, according to Post reporter Ellen McCarthy; th3t arrangement is now under review. CACI executives have said they haven't been notified of any charges; \vhen the news of Abu Ghraib abuses broke, the company was reduced to downloading the Taguba report from the Internet. If this is the oversight that's in place for contractors, it's time to reassess whether military privatization has gone too far.
Demolition won't do
Baltimore Sun
May 26, 2004
TEARING DOViN the Abu Ghraib prison won't dispel the haunting images of American soldiers abusing Iraqi prisoners.
It won't renew the reputation of the United States among the Iraqi people or rehabilitate
its image around the world. And more to the point, it won't heal the psychic wounds of
the Iraqis battered there. President Bush's offer, made in his speech Monday night, to
demolish the infamous prison and replace it vlith a state-of-the art prison system shov/s a
lack of understanding of how best to deal with the political fallout of the prisoner abuse
scandal.
The American military'S shame over the mistreatment of prisoners at Abu Ghraib can't be purged with a bulldozer. That brick-and-mortar solution voiced in a highly political address by Mr. Bush sounded like a presidential speechwriter's fix for the Abu Glu"aib problem. Mr. Bush couldn't ignore the abuse scandal, so it became a couple of paragraphs on his TelePrompTer, the proposed razing ofAbu Ghraib a symbolic aside.
A more nuanced and honest response to the Abu Ghraib injustices would have been to emphasize the criminal investigations under way and reiterate the U.S. commitment to punish those involved. Demolishing Abu Ghraib only conforms to the stereotype of an imperial power flexing its muscle.
Mr. Bush did say that he would defer to the wishes of the Iraqi people on the future of
Abu Ghraib, and that is as it should be. If the new transitional government in Iraq wants
to demolish the prison, it should.
The United States could then use its aid to cultivate the more genial aspects of a civil society --schools, roads, hospitals, housing, courts, projects such as those it has launcbcd over the past year. When the Bush administration sought $20.3 billion to reb1..1ild Iraq, it asked for $99 million to build or update 26 jails and prisons. Haven't we spent enough on warehousing prisoners?
The Bush administration should be focused on training and equipping an Iraqi police force so that lavi and order can be restored and maintained v.'ithout relying on U.S. forces. That may take a year or longer --but it should be a top priority.
The Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse scandal \vill remain a part of the U.S. legacy in Iraq;
destroying the structure that embodies this shameful episode of the American military
occupation won't erase what occurred there.
Officials should consider prese,"ving part of prison
Detroit Free Press
May 26, 2004
Blow it up or tear it down. It doesn't much matter. Nothing this country does to the prison buildings that made Abu Ghraib a household word can erase the horrific damage that was done there. Abu Ghraib has become synonymous with torture, for decades by the henchmen of ousted Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein, most recently by U.S. soldiers after the war that ended Hussein's regime. Destroying the structure cannot destroy tl1e events it hOLlsed, the memories of victims, the photographs of abuse.
As U.S. officials move forward with plans to raze Abu Ghraib, which President George
W. Bush outlined in his Monday night address, they should consider leaving part of the
structure intact, a monument to dark chapters in human history.

Similar travesties have been appropriately memorialized. Elements of World War I1
concentration camps draw hushed visitors in Europe. Stone forts known as slave castles
because captives were held there for shipment to the United States have been preserved
on the west coast of Africa. A photography exhibit coming to the Charles H. Wright
Museum of African American History in Detroit this summer will recall the shameful
past of lynchings in this country.

Shining a light on humanity'S horrible deeds can prevent a repetition of past mistakes.
That serves the cause of human rights better than any new maximum-security prison the
United States will build on the Abu Ghraib site.

Iraqis who suffered in the prison or lost loved ones there may rejoice temporarily at its destruction. So too may U.S. officials eager to put this ugly chapter behind them.
But for generations, a part of Abu Ghraib should remain, as a testament to what \vent wrong --and what was done to make it right.
Of course, that chapter of this history has yet to be \vritten.
Abuse of Iraqis shocks citizens, who demand and will receive answers
Columbus Dispatch
May 25, 2004
For many Americans, the ever-more-sickening revelations of degradation at Abu Ghraib prison are a nightmare that refuses 10 end. People of conscience, trying 10 reconcile what they have seen and heard with what they knov,' and believe about America, feel suckerpunched by each neVi chapter.
Critics claim that the scandal gives lie to the notion of American exceptionalism: that America, founded on a system of ethical ideals, honors human dignity and, more than any other nation, can speak '.-vith authority to the rest of the world about freedom and respect for individual rights.
Those who value these ideals are right to feel betrayed by Abu Ghraib, but they need not be ashamed of America. Painful as it is, the scandal --and more important, the American response to it --has reaffirmed those values.
Given the bizarre cruelty undertaken in the prison, one can't help being dismayed.
Most recently, the world learned of videos that show US. soldiers smiling and flexing
while beating and debasing the Iraqis in their custody. One video, showing scenes of
disgusting inhumanity throughout the prison, ends with soldiers turning the cameras on
themselves as they have sex with each other.

The fact that some individual Americans, from the prison guards on up the chain of command, proved capable of ordering and carrying out such acts doesn't mean America is not exceptional. It does mean that individual Americans are just as prone to inhumanity as any other people.
Decent people in any country would be disgusted and saddened to see their soldiers treating captives brutally. In very few countries \'\'ould they have, inculcated from childhood, a sense of being entitled to an investigation and explanation, much less an apology, from their government.
Americans rightfully feel entitled to such accountability. It is what makes American culture and politics exceptional.
As very real and frightening enemies gather strength, Americans must cherish both that humanity and that sense of entitlement.
Like A '''oman
Richmond Times-Dispatch
May 24, 2004
Among the many aspects of the prison abuse scandal at Abu Ghraib, one has gone almost unremarked: the deep-seated misogyny it has highlighted.
An Associated Press story from earlier this month quotes Dhia al-Shweiri, \\'ho is said to have spent time in Abu GhJaib twice under Saddam Hussein and once under Americans. AI-Shweiri says he was tortured under Saddam -beaten, electrocuted, and hung from the ceiling with his hands tied behind his back. But, he told the AP, "that's better than the humiliation of being stripped naked .... [The Americans] made us stand in a way that I am ashamed to describe. They came to look at us as we stood there. They knevv' this would humiliate us. We are men. It's okay if they beat me. Beating [doesn't] hurt us, it's just a blow. But no one would want their manhood to be shattered. They \,,'anted us to feel as though \·ve were women, the way women feel, and this is the worst insult, to feel like a vv'0111an:"
This is the worst insult, to feel like a woman. Few sentences could so concisely sum up
the perverse sexism in much of the Arab \vorId.
Experts interviewed for a Times-Dispatch -story underscored the point, perhaps
inadvertently. "One of the worst things that can happen is that you shave off a man's
beard," said one. "It is seen as challenging his manliness." Another told the newspaper,
'''It is most shameful to make a person naked and then photograph him, especially a
Muslim male," Especially a Muslim male?
Americans should be concerned, foremost, with the behavior and attitudes of their fellovv' Americans. But that does not mean they need to be concerned with the behavior and attitudes of their fellow Americans to the exclusion of everything else. If the abuses at Abu Ghraib were wrong -and they most emphatically \I\'ere -it should be noted in passing that tIle form of those abuses was made possible by another, underlying wrong within broad swaths of Arabic culture.
COMMENTARY
Terrorists Have No Geneya Rights
Wall Street Journal
May 26,2004
John Yoo
In light of the Abu Ghraib prison scandal, critics are arguing that abuses of Iraqi prisoners are being produced by a climate of disregard for the la\vs of war. Human rights advocates, for example, claim that the mistreatment of Iraqi prisoners is of a piece with President Bush's 2002 decision to deny al Qaeda and Taliban fighters the legal status of POWs under the Geneva Conventions. Critics, no doubt, will soon demand that reforms incl ude an extension of Geneva standards to interrogations at Guantanamo Bay.
The effort to blur the lines between Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib reflects a deep misunderstanding about the different legal regimes that apply to Iraq and the war against al Qaeda. It ignores the unique demands of the war on terrorism and the advantages that a facility such as Guantanamo can provide. 1t urges policy makers and the Supreme Court to make the mistake of curing ,vhat could prove to be an isolated problem by disarming the government of its principal weapon to stop future terrorist attacks. Punishing abuse in Iraq should not return the U.S. to Sept. 10,2001 in the way it fights al Qaeda, while Osama bin Laden and his top lieutenants remain at large and continue to plan attacks.
1t is important to recognize the differences bet'vV·een the \var in Iraq and the \var on terrorism. The treatment ofthose detained at Abu Ghraib is governed by the Geneva Conventions, which have been signed by both the U.S. and Iraq. President Bush and his commanders announced early in the conflict that the Conventions applied. Article 17 of the Third Geneva Convention, which applies to prisoners of war clearly state that: "No physical or mental torture, nor any other form of coercion, may be inflicted on prisoners ofwar to secure from them information of any kind whatever." This provision would prohibit some interrogation methods that could be used in American police stations.
One thing should remain clear. Physical abuse violates the Conventions. The armed forces have long operated a system designed to investigate violations of the laws of war, and ultimately to try and punish the offenders. And it is important to let the military justice system run its course. Article 5 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which governs the treatment of civilians in occupied territories, states that if a civilian "is definitely suspected of or engaged in activities hostile to the security ofthe States, such individual person shall not be entitled to claim such rights and privileges under the present Convention as would, ifexercised in favor of such individual persoD, be prejudicial to the security of such State." To be sure, Art. 31 of the Fourth Convention prohibits any "physical or moral coercion" of civilians "to obtain information from them," and there is a clear prohibition of torture, physical abuse, and denial of medical care, food, and shelter. Nonetheless, Art. 5 makes clear that if an Iraqi civilian who is not a member of
the armed forces, has engaged in attacks on Coalition forces, the Geneva Convention
permits the use of more coercive interrogation approaches to prevent future attacks.

A response to criminal action by individual soldiers should begin vvith the military justice system, rather than efforts to impose a one-size-fits-all policy to cover both Iraqi saboteurs and al Qaeda operatives. That is because the conflict \vith al Qaeda is not governed by the Geneva Conventions, which applies only to international conflicts between states that have signed them. Al Qaeda is not a nation-state, and its members -as they demonstrated so horrifically on Sept. 11,2001 --violate the very core principle of the laws of war by targeting innocent civilians for destruction. While Taliban fighters had an initial claim to protection under the Conventions (since Afghanistan signed the treaties), they lost POW status by failing to obey the standards of conduct for legal
combatants: wearing uniforms, a responsible command structure, and obeying the 1::1\\Is of war.
As a result, interrogations of detainees captured in the war on terrorism are not regulated under Geneva. This is not to condone torture, \vhich is still prohibited by the Torture Convention and federal criminal law. Nonetheless, Congress's definition of torture in those lav,,Is --the infliction of severe mental or physical pain --leaves room for interrogation methods that go beyond polite conversation. Under the Geneva Convention, for example, a POW is required only to provide name, rank, and serial number and cannot receive any benefits for cooperating.
The reasons to deny Geneva status to terrorists extend beyond pure legal obligation. The primary enforcer ofthe laws of war has been reciprocal treatment: We obey the Geneva Conventions because our opponent does the same with American POWs. That is impossible with al Qaeda. It has never demonstrated any desire to provide humane treatment to captured Americans. If anything, the murders ofNicholas Berg and Daniel Pearl declare al Qaeda's intentions to kill even innocent civilian prisoners. Without territory, it does not even have the resources to provide detention facilities for prisoners, even if it were interested in holding captured POWs.
It is also worth asking whether the strict limitations of Geneva make sense in a war against terrorists. Al Qaeda operates by launching surprise attacks on civilian targets with the goal of massive casualties. Our only means for preventing future attacks, which could use WMDs, is by acquiring information that allovvs for pre-emptive action. Once the attacks occur, as we learned on Sept. 11, it is too late. It makes little sense to deprive ourselves of an important, and legal, means to detect and prevent terrorist attacks while we are still in the middle of a fight to the death with al Qaeda. Applying different standards to al Qaeda does not abandon Geneva, but only recognizes that the U.S. faces a stateless enemy never contemplated by the Conventions.
This means that the U.S. can pursue different interrogation policies in each location. III fact, Abu Ghraib highlights the benefits of Guantanamo. We can guess that the unacceptable conduct of the soldiers at Abu Ghraib resulted in part from the dangerous state of affairs on the ground in a theater of war. American soldiers had to guard prisoners on the inside while receiving mortar and weapons fire from the outside. By contrast, Guantanamo is distant from any battlefield, making it far more secure. The naval station's location means the military can base more personnel there and devote more resources to training and supervision.
A decision by the Supreme Court to subject Guantanamo to judicial review would eliminate these advantages. The Justices are currently considering a case, argued last month, which seeks to extend the writ ofhabeas corpus to al Qaeda and Taliban detainees at Guantanamo. Ifthe Com1 were to extend its reach to the base, judges could begin managing conditions of confinement, interrogation methods, and the use of information. Not only \\iould this call on the courts to make judgments and develop policies for which they have no expertise, but the government will be encouraged to keep its detention facilities in the theater of conflict. Judicial over-confidence in intruding into \var
decisions could produce more Abu Ghraibs in dangerous combat zones, and remove our
most effective means of preventing future terrorist attacks.
Mr. foo, a law professor at Berkeley, is a scholar at the American Enterprise Institufe
and a former Bush Justice Department official.
Down the Sewer to Abu Ghraib
Los Angeles Times
May 26, 2004
Rebecca Hagelin
Rebecca Hagelin is a vice president afthe Heritage Foundation.
The horrific images of degrading acts by American soldiers at Abu Ghraib prison are, in a sense, nothing new: Millions of Americans feast on similar scenes every day.
The sickening photo of a female soldier blindly staring at the spectacle of her human
prisoner, naked and leashed like a dog, is but the latest evidence of a culture gone stark
raving mad.
For the last several decades, American culture has been rotting. While we've been busy
fighting enemies around the world, we've discarded basic morality here at home. As a
result, we've steadily weakened our stature in the world and placed ourselves in grave
danger of falling from 'within.
The evidence pointing to cultural rot is indisputable: Americans spend $10 billion a year on pornography -as much as we spend on sporting events. The average tcenager views nearly 14,000 sexual references a year on television.
Power is equated with sex, and sex with power -on television, in movies, magazines, billboards and music. At times, it appears as if Americans have had enough. Remember the outrage over Janet Jackson "flashing" at the Super Bowl? How about the disgust over the video of high school girls humiliating, urinating on and beating younger students in an "initiation" stunt? Now there's Abu Ghraib. And we're shocked ... again?
Some denounce the reprehensible behavior, point an accusing finger at the military and
return to their family room easy chairs, where they sit transfixed by mindless
programming \vhile their kids retreat to their bedrooms and consume endless hours of
sleaze on MTV.
We have been sliding down the slippery seVier of cultural immorality for so long that we don't even realize that 'vve're covered with stinking sludge.
Amid the noble struggle to establish and maintain a nation of moral integrity, freedom and faith in God, our history has also included periods punctuated by acts of shame. The horrors of slavery come to mind. Yet, almost alone among nations throughout history, the United States has ahvays managed to hold itself accountable for its ills, take corrective action and move to a higher level in our treatment of others.
Why? Because Americans once shared a collective understanding that ours is a society
based on faith in God and his immutable laws of unconditional love, decency and the
simple but powerful concept of treating others as we would be treated.
Our schools taught biblical principles. Our families gathered regularly in churches and
synagogues. Prayer was a standard part of life -both private and public. Americans
\\:ere taught the Ten Commandments and the rich Judeo-Christian history of our country.
But that all changed in the 1960s, \vhen there began a steady removal of God and his absolutes from the public square. As a nation \ve forgot, as President Lincoln said, "that the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom." Schools were purged of prayer and biblical values, leaving a vacuum that was soon filled witll the preaching of moral relativism, sexual anarchy and a trashing of U.S. history. Now, about 40 years later, there is no collective understanding of our Judea-Christian history and the values that once permeated our halls of government, our schools and our lives.
Our nation once looked to the truth of the Proverbs: "To receive instruction in wise behavior, righteousness, justice and equity; to give prudence to the naive, to the youth knowledge and discretion." Today, we teach our children to rely on their own wisdom and judgment, formed by endless hours of sexualized programming, situational ethics and group thinking. And we're surprised by the behavior of a few Americans at Abu Ghraib?
Our military is addressing the abuses that occurred in a prison far away and holding
accountable those who are responsible -but what are the rest of us doing to restore
civility and decency here at home? In order to preserve a real future for our children and
our nation, we must rediscover the timeless principles that helped us to become the
world's "last, best hope" -and restore them to our daily lives.
Abu Ghraib troubles Americans abroad
Baltimore SUll
May 26, 2004
Laura Hambleton
Until about nine months ago, when v,-e moved from Chevy Chase to Pretoria, my 9-yearold son read the newspaper every day. lie started with the sports pages, flipped to the end of the feature section for the comics and finished by studying the front page. He crunched his cereal \vhile he scanned the headlines and read captions. On the occasion when a photograph caught his eye, he would often read the story.
In South Africa, my son's newspaper habit has gone dormant. He doesn't yet love the country's rugby team, the Springboks, as he loves his New England Patriots. He hasn't learned the ins and outs of cricket, as he knows every nuance of the Boston Red Sox. He now glances at a local newspaper if it is left out on the kitchen counter, searching for a
comic strip.
He did so the other day when the Pretoria News carried a front-page picture of Army Pfc. Lynndie R. England in the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. I watched my son reach for the paper to pull it toward him, but I was quicker. I deftly turned the paper toward me and turned to an inside page of comics. I committed an age-old act: diverting the attention of my child hom a harsh reality. The irony is I am the wife of a newspaperman ond the day's news is our dinnertime conversation. This time, though, I didn't \vant to approach the subject.
My son loves America. He defends it and promotes it. A few months ago, a boy in his
class said that South Africa has the best beaches. My son countered by asking if the boy
had been to Dela\:Vare, North Carolina, Florida, Maine, California. Now there are
beautiful beaches, he said.
But \vhat ammunition would he have to defend the actions of American soldiers in Iraqi
prisons? For that matter, what would he make of the beheading of 26-year-old Nicholas
E. Berg, in a game of one-upmanship?
To be sure, war is treacherous and messy, as is the aftermath, which the photographs so
succinctly and powerfully portray. Even the Federal Express man who comes to my
house at least once a week to deliver packages told me that everyone does these heinous
acts in war. No big deal, in his mind. The bizarreness now is someone documented it, he
said.
Perhaps that is exactly the point, because the contrast bet\veen Private England's smiling
face --real or staged --and the words first used when we rode into Iraq on such a high
moral ground are jarring.
No \vonder I am not feeling high and mighty these days as an American overseas. I bo\ved my head and spoke quickly when I bought a ne·wspaper at my neighborhood news stand the other day with the headline, "How the CIA teaches the viorld to torture."
"I'm ashamed to be an American right now," said a friend in an e-mail from Rome. "And I'm very, very angry that these people were stupid enough to act in these reprehensible ways. The outpouring of support and sympathy after 9/11 here was a beautiful thing. Flowers covered the entire entrance to the embassy and made all of us Americans cry. Most of that feeling bas completely disappeared now."
The father of one of my son's friends told me recently that when a driver asked him where he was from, he hesitated. He almost said Canada, as some Americans here say and American journalists have said for many months in Iraq, but he admitted the United States. The driver responded with a dravln-out "Ohhh."
I often am stopped and asked which part of the States I live in, after someone hears my
accent. r am asked if I like South Africa and where I've been. A man r \\alk with many
Sunday mornings with our dogs tells me how he'd like to move to America and that he
likes President Bush.

CALL NFTF! SEP-OCT 02

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